Blog

  • Korean Rights Holders Behind Takedown of Manga Piracy Giant TuMangaOnline

    Korean Rights Holders Behind Takedown of Manga Piracy Giant TuMangaOnline

    Tu Manga Online (TMO) has long been the go-to destination for many Spanish-speaking manga fans.

    Through multiple domains, it offered access to manga and manhwa comics free of charge, attracting many millions of visitors.

    In 2024, a detailed report from Deepsee flagged Zonatmo.com as a particularly popular domain. Together with the other TMO properties, it was estimated to generate a billion views in November that year.

    The same research linked the TMO operation to the Spanish company Nakamas Web SL, which was reportedly responsible for the sites.

    This level of openness is unusual for a pirate site. DeepSee.io CEO Rocky Moss projected that the site would be stopped before the end of 2025. That projection was off by a few months, as TMO went offline in early 2026.

    TMO’s website started having problems around March 18. This was widely noticed on social media, including a post by Animetrends that has been viewed close to 2.5 million times.


    animetrends

    Without an official explanation from the site’s operators, many fans kept hope that it would make a comeback. A notice on the site suggesting it was “under maintenance” added to that impression.

    However, after a few days that hope faded, as the main ZonaTMO domain was put on clienthold. This suspension status is typically set by a domain registrar in response to a legal complaint, and effectively renders the domain inaccessible.

    The WHOIS data for zonatmo.com also clearly lists Nakamas Web as the company behind the site.


    whois

    While TMO’s future was looking more and more troubled, the operators remained silent. Information received by TorrentFreak suggested that Korean webtoon platforms were involved, helped by serious anti-piracy forces. That information was officially confirmed today.

    Spanish Takedown Following Cross-Border Investigation

    The Copyright Overseas Promotion Association (COA), which represents many Korean publishers, including Kakao and Webtoon, announced that it conducted a multi-month investigation into the piracy operation.

    COA worked with the commercial anti-piracy outfit IP-House and Spanish law firm Santiago Mediano Abogados, who eventually shared their gathered evidence with the local authorities for follow-up action.

    This operation eventually led to an enforcement effort in Almeria, Spain, which resulted in the takedown of a network of interconnected websites, including Visortmo and TuMangaOnline.

    While it is now confirmed that Korean rightsholders are behind the Spanish shutdown, not many details are shared. There is no mention of any arrests, for example, and no suspects have been identified either.

    The involvement of the company Nakamas Web remains unconfirmed as well, although it’s worth noting that this company is based in Almeria, which was the center of the police operation. A request for comment to the company, whose website is still online, remains unanswered.

    Pending Law Enforcement Investigation

    Speaking with TorrentFreak, COA confirms that its members had their eyes set on TMO for a long time. While the group confirms the takedown, it can’t share further information at this point as the law enforcement investigation is ongoing.

    “Zonatmo (TuMangaOnline, TMO) has long been recognized as a major illegal platform known for distributing unauthorized translations of Korean content in Spanish. Korean rightsholders had been monitoring the platform since its earlier stages, and in response, have pursued concrete legal enforcement actions overseas through COA.”

    “At present, several matters remain at the stage of investigation in cooperation with local law enforcement authorities. As such, we are not in a position to disclose specific additional targets at this time,” a COA spokesperson adds.

    TMO

    zonetmo

    For details, COA referred us to IP-House, which we asked about the suspects that were identified, whether any arrests were made, or whether a deal was reached with the operator of TMO. However, IP House declined to answer, citing an active investigation.

    IP-House CEO Jan van Voorn commented on the action in broad terms in a press statement.

    “This outcome reflects the strength of cross-border collaboration in addressing complex digital piracy to protect creators, consumers, and the integrity of the global content ecosystem,” Van Voorn said.

    “We are proud to have supported COA in advancing this investigation and commend the Spanish National Police for their leadership and effectiveness in executing this enforcement action,” he added.

    Part of a Wider Wave

    The TMO takedown coincided with one of the most active periods of manga and anime piracy enforcement in history. In March 2026, HiAnime also went offline. The reason for HiAnime’s closure has not been officially confirmed, though it followed sustained pressure from the anti-piracy alliance ACE and a recent callout by the USTR.

    Earlier, in January 2026, the manga aggregator Bato.to was shut down following action by Japanese anti-piracy body CODA and pressure from the Korean company Kakao Entertainment, with its operator identified and subject to criminal investigation in China.

    According to COA, the TMO takedown is not the last enforcement action that’s planned on their end.

    “This action forms part of a broader enforcement initiative led by COA, representing the K-content alliance” COA told TorrentFreak, adding that it “is actively investigating operators of such platforms and preparing coordinated legal actions across multiple jurisdictions.”

    From: TF, for the latest news on copyright battles, piracy and more.

  • An Eponym for Scientific Censorship in America: Bhattacharyaism

    It turns out Jay Bhattacharya’s talk, “The End of Free Speech is the End of Science” was really a preview of coming attractions, a mission statement for his leadership.

    The post An Eponym for Scientific Censorship in America: Bhattacharyaism first appeared on Science-Based Medicine.

  • What If the Problem Is the Lens?

    What If the Problem Is the Lens?

    Editor’s note: first published on Mad in America 11/04/26

    Let me be upfront. I’m a psychotherapist, which, depending on where you’re reading this, may already be a problem.

    For some people that might not mean a great deal, for others, it might carry a certain level of prestige. But for others still, it’s something I should probably be embarrassed about.

    There’s no doubt that some people passionately believe psychotherapy helps them. At the same time, reading the comments sections of any number of Mad in America articles, there’s also no doubt that many have been harmed. Many of those people believing that the whole profession should be abandoned, that people like me should have a good look at ourselves and go and do something else.

    Add to that what James Davies has argued in his work, Cracked and Sedated: that despite the proliferation of services, the overall picture is far more mixed than often assumed, with little clear evidence of sustained improvement and some indications of worsening outcomes.

    So, what I want to do here is not necessarily defend psychotherapy, but to think about the lens, or the ‘conceptual framework’, through which psychotherapy operates, and consider how psychotherapy as a field, or what are now commonly called ‘mental health services’, have come to understand human distress.

    I want to consider how the very phrase ‘mental health’ says something about this lens, and the suggestion that our emotional life is organised along a continuum of health and illness, much like physical disease. And that what follows from there are words like patient, symptom, diagnosis, treatment that have become part of our established cultural language and have shaped the very nature of our emotional discourse.

    Close up of phoropter eyesight measurement testing machine

    For psychotherapy, this has had implications not only for the people psychotherapy is ostensibly here to help, but also for research, for how professionals see themselves, and for how, more broadly, we come to understand ourselves and our emotional lives.

    I write this as someone working within psychotherapy, aware that I am not outside the very framework I am describing.

    So, with that in mind, I want to ask one question.

    What if the problem isn’t only the practices of the field of psychotherapy, but the lens through which it sees and operates?

    When Words Carry Different Worlds

    When it comes to many of the words involved in psychotherapy; therapist, patient, treatment, and so on, they seem so familiar they are almost taken to be neutral, as if they simply ‘are what they are’.

    But, on reflection, it seems clear that these words are anything but neutral. In fact, they’re loaded. They carry with them any number of reference relationships and assumptions. Think of the word ‘patient’ for a moment. What comes to mind? Illness, hospital, doctor, disease, cure? Now keep thinking about that word, really ‘go there’. What comes to mind now? Ward, IV drips, suffering, healing, hope, fear, helplessness, death? It’s hardly neutral, is it?

    However, this is how conceptual frameworks work, and this is what happens when the language of that framework, in this case medicalised language, becomes established. These terms can come to feel so straightforward as to be a given, not a matter for reflection or questioning at all.

    In this sense, what also feel like a given, is that a psychotherapist is a clinician. And what a clinician does is treat a patient who is suffering.

    In terms of the established parlance, it follows. It makes sense. How would it be otherwise?

    The role of the clinician is to identify the problem and to intervene with the appropriate technical expertise to bring about positive change. If you look to define what a therapist does, this is it. If you look to define what a therapist is, it’s in the ‘what they do’.

    But historically, the word therapy carries a rather different meaning, and in that sense offers up a different lens. The word therapy is often traced to the Greek therapeia, understood as ‘to stand beside’ or ‘to attend’, where the role of the psychotherapist is not primarily to fix or correct, but to stay with ‘a fellow traveller’s’ experience and to attend to it. It is a matter of being-with rather than doing-to.

    Through one lens, psychotherapy is understood to be an intervention designed to treat a psychological condition. In another, it is seen as a practice in which another person’s experience is attended to and gradually understood within the context of that person’s life.

    Two different lenses, exactly the same phenomena.

    When the Framework Shapes the Interpretation

    Conceptual frameworks are strange in the sense that they are not something we choose. We do not select a framework to fit the job. What they tend to do is reveal themselves in what feels like the almost invisible assumptions of everyday life.

    In terms of psychotherapy, this framework is revealed in everyday practice; in the way behaviour is thought about and interpreted, and in what explanations about that behaviour then tend to follow.

    A really good example is the now very familiar language of resistance or non-compliance in psychotherapy. We can see that within a treatment conceptual framework these terms appear entirely logical. If therapy is understood as an intervention designed to address a condition, then resistance or reluctance to engage can easily be interpreted as non-compliance.

    But, at the same time, if the encounter is understood relationally, the same situation can appear very different.

    A person who hesitates might not be resisting ‘treatment’ at all. They may be cautious about trusting another human being. They may feel misunderstood. They may feel damaged by a cruel and unforgiving world and be wary of someone they do not yet know. Or they might simply feel no real sense of connection, no sense of chemistry with the person sitting opposite them.

    In everyday human relationships, this is something we recognise easily. When two people fail to connect, what we tend to say is that the chemistry is just not there. What we do not do is suggest that one of them has a problem with compliance.

    Again, the same behaviour carries very different meanings depending upon the lens through which it is viewed. Within a treatment conceptual framework, reluctance becomes resistance or non-compliance, with the issue largely located within the person sitting opposite. Within a relational framework, the same phenomenon says something about the encounter itself.

    The nature of the phenomenon has not changed. Only the way of interpreting it has.

    Before Moving On

    It might be tempting at this stage to assume that this distinction maps neatly onto different schools of therapy, that some approaches operate within a treatment framework while others reject it. But the reality is far less clear-cut. Opposing schools of psychotherapy debate their differences, often passionately so, and yet continue to speak the same language of patient, treatment, and intervention, even where the intent is described in more humanistic or relational terms.

    The treatment framework, it seems, holds, despite the differences.

    When the Evidence Points in a Different Direction

    However, if psychotherapy were best understood as a form of treatment, then we might expect the research literature to align with that. We would expect clear differences between therapeutic models, that different problems would require different specific techniques, and that those techniques would produce better outcomes than those not specifically fitted to the particular condition, much like in medicine, much like with physical disease.

    What we know, however, is that the psychotherapy outcome literature is more complicated than that. Across decades of research, several patterns repeatedly emerge. Outcomes vary significantly between therapists. Some therapists appear to be consistently more effective than others . The quality of the relationship between two people consistently predicts how things tend to unfold, and the differences between therapeutic models are consistently so small that the phenomenon has been termed the ‘dodo bird effect’.

    Within the current framework, much of the evidence base for psychotherapeutic approaches is organised around what are called protocolised approaches for conditions such as ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’, ‘anxiety disorders’, ‘major depressive disorder’, and so forth. The evidence for these structured interventions is based on randomised controlled trials that are used to determine that these interventions produce positive effects for these specifically defined conditions.

    This way of thinking about ‘evidence-based practice’ is another way in which the assumptions of a treatment framework are revealed, in the sense that positive change is understood to follow from the correct application of these specific protocolised techniques. Within this framework, it is therefore entirely natural that research focuses on the technical aspects of the intervention, measurable change, and the importance of staying true to the protocol.

    But at the same time, these methods tell us very little about what unfolds between two people in a room, even when what we now know from those same decades of research, is that what happens between two people in a room is absolutely central to the broader psychotherapy evidence base.

    That is not to say that structured or protocolised approaches never help people. They can, and they do. Many people will attest, from both sides of the room, that lives have been transformed via these approaches. However, what is being argued is that the broader findings of psychotherapy research remain difficult to reconcile with a purely technical understanding of how change occurs.

    Which then raises the question, if change is primarily understood in terms of protocol fidelity and the correct application of specific techniques, why does the relationship matter so much? And why do differences between therapists remain so clearly pronounced?

    Seen through a relational lens, however, the existing evidence becomes easier to understand.

    Through a relational framework, the relationship moves from a vehicle for protocols to the centre, while techniques take a secondary place.

    In practice, clinicians often find themselves balancing what is described as therapist drift. Practitioners frequently move away from strict manualised adherence so that they can respond more flexibly, more authentically, to the person and to the emotional encounter itself. Within a treatment framework, this can be seen as a tension between protocol fidelity and responsiveness. Seen relationally, no such tension exists.

    Projects such as Loren Mosher’s Soteria House emphasise interpersonal presence and relational understanding, with a compassionate but medically untrained staff and very minimal pharmaceutical intervention. Their outcomes were striking at the time and remain difficult to explain within a strictly medicalised framework.

    Seen through a relational lens, the pieces begin to fall into place.

    When the Lens Changes

    In the history of science, progress does not always occur simply by the collection of more data. Sometimes it occurs when the frameworks through which that data is interpreted begin to feel incomplete.

    These are the findings of the philosopher of science, Thomas S. Kuhn. Kuhn describes these frameworks as paradigms, frameworks that organise both knowledge and understanding by shaping what counts as evidence and what questions are asked, and in so doing what aspects of a phenomenon are made visible and what remain obscured.

    Kuhn also recognised that for long periods, a field may operate unmoved within a particular paradigm, but that occasionally, over time, findings begin to appear that do not sit easily within the existing framework. And, that when those tensions grow large enough, progress sometimes occurs not through the accumulation of new data, but through a shift in the conceptual lens itself.

    When Language Narrows Experience

    Culturally, the treatment paradigm and the language of ‘mental health’ have moved well beyond professional services and are now so embedded that they have become an integral yet rarely questioned part of how we understand ourselves and each other.

    Depression has become a condition, anxiety has become something someone has, trauma has become a disorder, and mental illness and mental health are understood as a continuum along which we are all assumed to sit.

    Emotional experiences that would test the breadth and depth of our shared language are now increasingly translated into diagnostic or disease-model terms.

    That is not to say that such shorthand is always experienced as a bad thing. Diagnostic language can sometimes provide a felt sense of recognition or validation. It can also serve to underpin or substantiate a sense of identity.

    However, for many people, this same language is experienced not as something that describes emotional life, but as something imposed upon it. Some have described lived experience as being taken, even ripped, out of the context of a life within which it finds its meaning, and recontextualised in medical terms, often with far reaching consequences.

    Listening to the Critics

    The fact that survivor and service user movements exist says something about how these encounters can feel from the other side of the consulting room.

    Accounts of being pathologised for human responses to the travails of life are not new. Many describe being pushed towards interpretations of their experience, or having interpretations imposed upon them that did not align with their lives. Others describe these encounters as re-traumatising, or as experiences that have been so damaging that they have led them to lose trust in helping relationships altogether. It is also nothing new that the harm people describe is often explained away.

    It is true that many people describe encounters in psychotherapy that have been deeply valuable and are passionate in the view that therapy has been transformative, even lifesaving.

    But this does not resolve the tension.

    The question is not whether psychotherapy can or does help, but how these experiences are understood, and how easily accounts of harm can be explained away within a particular framework.

    Reluctance or disagreement can be interpreted as resistance, non-compliance, or lack of insight, with the issue largely seen as located within the person.

    Within a relational understanding, the same situation may look very different.

    Seen in this way, some of the tensions described by survivors may not simply arise from individual failures in practice, but from a deeper mismatch between a relational human encounter and a conceptual framework designed for ‘a patient in treatment’.

    A Different Stance

    Seen through a different conceptual lens, the role of the psychotherapist begins to look rather different from the one implied by medical language.

    What if the task of the therapist is not primarily to correct, to intervene, or to resolve, but instead to attend to another person’s experience and to understand that experience within the world in which it takes shape?

    What if distress is first and foremost understood as part of the complexity of human life?

    The task that follows is not primarily to fix, but to listen carefully enough that another person’s experience can appear in its own way, on its own terms, and be understood within the life to which it belongs. This does not mean there is no room for techniques or technical approaches. It means they are moved from the centre to the periphery; offered as invitations rather than assumed.

    This does not mean that change does not occur. The difference lies in how that change is understood. Within a treatment framework, psychotherapy sees itself as the instigator of change, where value is determined by the ‘positive change’ it brings about.

    Within a relational framework, psychotherapy becomes a space in which the issues of a person’s life can be clarified, where perspectives can be explored, and where a person may come to accept, reassess, or act upon the possibilities for change that gradually come into view.

    Many therapists would passionately attest that the relational is the most important aspect of their work. However, this reveals an uneasy tension. Training pathways, our professional identities, and models of practice remain organised primarily around techniques and adherence, often strict adherence, to specific approaches.

    This tension is also visible in how people describe what mattered to them in their therapy experience. What people rarely speak about are the technical aspects, the techniques, or even the cleverness of the therapist. What they do speak about, overwhelmingly so, is being understood, or feeling met, or being in the presence of someone responsive, someone human, someone that was genuinely interested, someone that was able to be with them in their pain and distress in an open and accepting way.

    These are not technical qualities. They are relational ones.

    Conceptual frameworks rarely shift easily. Paradigms do much of their work invisibly, and once established, their assumptions can become so familiar that they operate largely unchecked and unexamined. Even the most relational practitioner will find themselves speaking the language of treatment, patients, and intervention, simply because that language has become so ingrained.

    And yet, the evidence discussed here invites a different possibility. What follows is not the abandonment of psychotherapy, but a reconsideration of what it is understood to be: less as the application of treatments to psychological conditions, and more as a relational encounter in which human experience is attended to and gradually understood.

    Seen in this light, a shift in paradigm brings our understanding of emotional distress closer to both the phenomena itself and the evidence that surrounds it.

    ***

    Mad in the UK hosts blogs by a diverse group of writers. The opinions expressed are the writers’ own.

    The post What If the Problem Is the Lens? appeared first on Mad in the UK.

  • Five Questions on How Independent Hungarian Media Beat Orban’s ‘Propaganda Machine’

    After returning to power in Hungary 16 years ago, Viktor Orbán and his started taking the country’s free press apart piece by piece, writing a new playbook for how to bring journalism under the heel of the state. 

    But the propaganda machine he created was not enough to protect the right-wing prime minister indefinitely: On Sunday, Orbán was defeated in a landslide election win by Péter Magyar, who has pledged to suspend biased state media broadcasts and pass a new media law that ensures objective and impartial reporting. 

    As Hungary heads into this new era, OCCRP spoke to András Pethő, the co-founder, editor, and executive director of OCCRP partner Direkt36, one of several independent outlets that, despite the hostile environment, have published numerous exposes of alleged government corruption in recent years.

    Pethő discussed his experiences as an independent journalist navigating Orbán’s Hungary — and what might come next. The interview has been lightly edited for clarity. 

    The Orbán government had firm control over traditional press sources. What did its capture of state broadcaster MTVA and more than 470 other media outlets look like?

    It started from day one, when they came back to power in 2010. The first piece of legislation was a new media law, or media constitution, as they called it at the time. That laid the groundwork for the whole crackdown. They set up a new media authority — a regulatory body — led by people who were loyal to the government.

    Then they went step by step with the capture of the media. First, they started with the low-hanging fruit, public broadcasters that get public funding and are governed by the laws that parliament creates. 
It took one or two years to transform them into a mouthpiece for the government.

    Then they went after private media companies. They still cared about the optics, so business people who were close to the government started to buy formerly independent outlets, and they either shut them down or they transformed them into government propaganda. Through this process, they built a whole ecosystem that included almost all radio stations in the country, literally all local newspapers, television channels, and the state newswire. So basically this covered a whole spectrum and that became the propaganda arm of the government. 

    I wouldn’t even call it reporting because what they did over the last 16 years wasn’t journalism. It was basically a political operation. It was an arm of the government or the governing party. And the only thing they did was serve the government’s purposes. They spread the government’s messages — they even used the same language. They attacked the people who were critical of the government. It was not like in most countries where there are media outlets that lean left or right or have certain sympathies. This was not that.
This was a pure political operation. 

    How did you experience this change in Hungary’s media in your own job?

    When they started to go after private media companies, that started with the outlet where I was working at the time, Origo, one of Hungary’s most popular digital news sites. They put pressure on that news outlet through the owner, and when we started to experience that pressure, we pushed back.

    The editor-in-chief was forced out of his job, and then I resigned, and many other people resigned from there, and that was when we decided to set up our own news organization, Direkt36. Another Hungarian OCCRP member, Atlatszo, started even earlier than we did.

    This became a kind of pattern, in which journalists from captured institutions, not all of them, but a lot of them who really cared about their independence, set up their own outlets. That’s how independent journalism could stay alive.

    Direkt36 and other newer media organizations in Hungary face accusations that they’re not independent, and that you even collaborated with the European Union to overthrow the Orbán government. OCCRP was similarly accused. How do you respond to those accusations?

    These attacks usually came when we published something that the government didn’t like and investigations that hurt them. We didn’t really engage in fights directly with government propagandists or politicians because we don’t feel comfortable with that. We didn’t want to be in this victim role. I don’t think it’s productive.

    What we did was we turned to our audience, to the public on social media or other platforms, and we told them, ‘Listen, we are under attack, and it’s because of you, because they don’t want you to know the story that we are publishing. They don’t want you to know about the corruption inside the government or how the family members of Viktor Orbán are getting rich through public funding and projects.’

    And I truly believe that that’s why they’re attacking you. It’s not like they hate you personally —  maybe sometimes that’s part of it, but it’s actually because they want to discredit you, they want to intimidate you. And the only ally you have in these situations is your audience — the public. So we always communicate to them, not towards the government. 

    The government’s propaganda machinery lost a lot of credibility and trust from the people. Especially in the last five, six years, when things didn’t really go well in the country, with the economy and public services, it was clear that there are serious, serious problems.

    There was this wider and wider gap between the reality that people were experiencing and the propaganda lies that the government was spreading. They could say everything was fine, and the economy is doing well, but if people go to the grocery store and see that the prices go up every month, then they believe their own eyes in that situation. And then they started to trust news sources like us and other independent outlets more.

    Also, the media landscape has changed, kind of ironically because of the crackdown on media outlets in Hungary. We were forced to strike out on our own and innovate, and we just started to see our reach growing. One example we always mention is the documentary we released in February last year about how the Orbán family built a business empire thanks to government and political connections. That film became a blockbuster overnight. As far as I remember, by its second day, it had more than one million views on YouTube. As of today, it has more than 4.2 million views, in a country of 10 million.

    Or when we published the story that they brought this operation against the IT system of [Magyar’s] Tisza party, that was similarly huge. When we published a video interview with the whistleblower, with the police insider, it blew up the internet in Hungary. It got millions of views, and the face of the police officer is recognized by everybody now.

    If you have a really powerful story, and if you tell it in the right way on the right platform, with the right tools, you can still cut through, and then you can really make a difference. 

    Some commentators are saying that Orbán’s concession proves he was never really authoritarian. That this is evidence that Hungary’s democracy has been healthy all along. What would you say to them, in light of your experience as a Hungarian journalist?

    I don’t think that one action can justify or explain everything that has happened in the previous 16 years. You know, Orbán said it himself that he doesn’t believe in liberal democracies; liberal democracies are not about liberalism, they’re a system where you have checks and balances. He was talking about it quite openly and he tried to systematically dismantle that system. 
He limited the powers of the Constitutional Court, put loyalists in top positions of the judiciary. We already talked about the crackdown on the media. He built a system where there were no checks and balances. 

    Maybe Hungary was not a dictatorship, but it was not a healthy democracy either. It’s not like turning a switch where you go in one moment from a democracy to a dictatorship. It’s a process, it’s a path, and we were on that path towards a more autocratic or dictatorial system. Maybe, luckily, we didn’t reach that point.

    The incoming administration says it aims to ensure that no single political party can ever again capture the country’s media, and has promised legal safeguards to protect journalists from the type of surveillance and legal harassment used under Orbán. During his first interview as premier-elect on state television, Magyar even called the broadcaster a “factory of lies” and vowed to “immediately suspend the false news service that is happening here.” Do you find these promises credible? 

    As a journalist, but also as a member of the public, I think you should always be skeptical about promises made during election campaigns. We’ve seen that they can always change. The incoming prime minister promised several times that they would ensure that nobody can ever build propaganda machinery like this again — that they would ensure the independence of the public broadcasters, and journalism in general. 

    I think it’s pretty clear that the supporters of the future governing party don’t want an Orbán regime 2.0. If they see the new government doing that, I think they will probably speak up. 

    During the campaign, Péter Magyar’s approach could be quite critical of independent outlets when they published stories that he didn’t like. He could even be quite aggressive in his rhetoric. I think to a certain extent, that’s fine. We are not here to make friends with politicians. There is an inherent tension in our relationship with whoever is in government. Our job is to find out what they want to hide from the public and for what reasons.

    Hopefully we do have a system in which politicians won’t like journalism, but understand that we play a role in the democratic system. At this point, we will see what kind of actions they will take. 

  • How Oklahoma Musicians Continue a Legacy of Resistance to Fascism

    How Oklahoma Musicians Continue a Legacy of Resistance to Fascism

    Justice is the one thing you should always find/ You gotta saddle up your boys/ You gotta draw a hard line/ When the gun smoke settles we’ll sing a victory tune.

  • Stop New York’s Attack on 3D Printing

    New York’s proposed 2026-2027 budget currently includes provisions that will require all 3D printers sold in the state to run print-blocking censorware—software that surveils every print for forbidden designs. This policy would also create felony charges for possessing or sharing certain design files. The vote on the state budget could happen as early as next week, so New Yorkers need to act fast and demand that their Assemblymembers and Senators strip this provision from the budget.

    Take action

    Tell Your Representative to Stand with Creators

    State legislators across the US are rushing to regulate 3D-printed firearms under the syllogism something must be done; there, I’ve done something.” The most reckless of these proposals is a mandate for manufacturers to implement print blocking on all 3D printers. We, and other experts, have already pointed out that this algorithmic print blocking is simply unfeasible and will only serve to stifle competition, free expression, and privacy. While most detrimental to the creative communities lawfully using these printers, every New Yorker will be impacted by this blow to innovation.

    This policy is unfortunately buried in Part C of the New York State’s proposed budget for the 2026-2027 fiscal year (S.9005 / A.10005), which is urgently moving toward a vote after facing extensive delays. It’s also bundled with a policy that would allow felony charges to be brought against researchers and journalists for sharing design files restricted by the state.  The worst of these impacts won’t be known until after it is negotiated behind closed doors, with no safeguards for creative expression or privacy.

    Researchers and Journalists Could Face Felony Charges

    Part C Subpart A of the budget includes two particularly concerning provisions: §2.10 and 2.11. These threaten Class E felony charges for distributing or possessing 3D-printer files that would produce firearm parts with a 3D printer or CNC machine. 

    Under these provisions merely sharing a print file with any of them could result in criminal charges

    The first provision, 2.10, makes it a felony to sell or distribute files that can produce major firearm components to someone who is not a federally and NY-licensed gunsmith. Under 2.11, it’s also a felony to possess these files if you intend to illegally print a firearm or share them with someone you believe is not permitted to own or smith a firearm.

    A journalist reporting on 3D-printed guns. A researcher studying printable firearms. An artist incorporating parts into a new work commenting on gun culture. Under these provisions merely sharing a print file with any of them could result in criminal charges, even if no one involved intends to assemble a firearm.

    Criminalizing information doesn’t work. Someone intent on illegally printing a firearm is already subject to charges for that act. Adding felony liability for simply possessing a file or design piles on additional charges while doing nothing to stop printing. New charges for someone distributing these files won’t make them inaccessible to lawbreakers, but they will have a chilling effect on legitimate and entirely legal work. 

    Unsurprisingly, a similar law was proposed and subsequently scrapped in Colorado due to First Amendment concerns. We recommend New York do the same.

    Mandated Surveillance, Less Access

    Part C Subpart B would require every 3D printer and CNC machine sold in New York to include algorithms that scan your design files and block prints the system identifies as producing firearm components. Furthermore, all sales and deliveries of these machines must be made face-to-face. 

    Unlike other bills we have seen, there are no exceptions to this mandate. These restrictions apply to sales to researchers, commercial manufacturers, and—oddly enough—federally and state-licensed gunsmiths.

    Applying these restrictions to CNC machine sellers is particularly absurd. These cousins of 3D printers, which make 3D objects by removing materials, are often tens of thousands of dollars and used by commercial manufacturers. Automotive, aerospace, medical manufacturers, and many others industries will be subject to the in-person sales, surveillance risk, and all the other problems with these print-blocking algorithms introduce.

    Industries will be subject to the in-person sales, surveillance risk, and all the other problems

    Even limiting the focus to individual buyers—hobbyists and artists who use these machines at home—this restriction to face-to-face sales comes with its own issues. Beyond unnecessarily complicating the use of printers in the state, this barrier to access will hit rural New Yorkers the hardest. People in rural or remote locations can stand to benefit from the saved time and costs of printing useful parts at home. With this restriction, they will need to drive to one of the few retailers who actually sell this equipment and settle for the models they stock. 

    That is, if sellers continue to stock these printers despite the risk. Subpart B §§ 2.3 and 2.5 open sellers up to liability, including anyone on the second-hand market, for selling out-of-date printers. Meanwhile, buyers hoping to illegally print firearms can simply build their own printer with widely available equipment.

    The Law Won’t Work as Advertised 

    Here’s what makes Subpart B of the New York budget particularly reckless: the technology it mandates is not capable of doing what it is supposed to. 

    There is very little detail provided about requirements for the mandated algorithms. What the bill does outline boils down to this: the algorithms must evaluate print files to determine whether they would produce a firearm or illegal firearm parts, and if so, block the print. In an attempt to enable this, New York state would also create and maintain a library of forbidden files with tightly restricted access. 

    We’ve already gone over why this idea simply won’t work. Design files are trivially easy to modify, split into segments, or otherwise alter to evade pattern detection. Even if printers fully rendered and analyzed the print with cloud-based AI, any number of design or post-print tricks can be used to dodge detection. Meanwhile, such fuzzy AI interpretation will rapidly increase the percentage of lawful prints censored. 

    Firearms aren’t a highly specific design like paper currency; these proposed algorithms are futilely attempting to block an infinite number of designs capable of—or that can be made capable of—the few simple mechanical functions that make up a firearm. 

    This group has no peer review requirements, so it could easily be loaded with profiteers or incumbent manufacturers

    As we’ve said before: the internet always routes around censorship. Anyone determined to print a prohibited object has straightforward workarounds. The people who get surveilled and blocked are the people trying to follow the law.

    The bill aims to enforce this impossible mandate by creating a working group to define the actual technical requirements of enforcement—but only after the law passes. This group has no peer review requirements, so it could easily be loaded with profiteers or incumbent manufacturers who are already lining up to participate. These incumbents stand to profit from shutting out new competitors and locking in users to their devices, and sellers into their platform, subjecting both to the type of enshittification seen with Digital Rights Management (DRM) software. There are also no safeguards in the law to prevent the most surveillance-heavy approaches to print scanning, or to stop this censorship infrastructure from being further weaponized against lawful speech.

    On the other hand, unbiased experts in open-source manufacturing in the working group can at best pause the clock by showing such algorithms are unfeasible. That is, until a new snake oil company comes along to restart it. 

    New York Won’t Be the Last Stop 

    New York is one of the largest consumer markets in the country. When it mandates a feature in hardware, manufacturers hardly ever build a New York-only version. They build the New York version and sell it globally. A print-blocking mandate adopted in New York will become the national standard in practice.

    New Yorkers deserve more than this rush job buried in a budget bill. This is an unfeasible tech solution, built without the consumer protections that would be required of any serious policy proposal, and creates new costs and inconveniences amidst a protracted annual budget process. It also threatens First Amendment protections. This policy will take shape without consumer guardrails, behind closed doors, and risks the worst outcomes for grassroots innovation and creativity enabled by these machines. Worse still, these practices can become the norm across other states and among 3D-printer manufacturers worldwide. 

    Your representatives could vote on this ill-conceived measure in the next week.  If you’re a New Yorker, email your legislators now, and tell them to strip this measure from the budget today. 

    Take action

    Tell Your Representative to Stand with Creators

  • How Push Notifications Can Betray Your Privacy (and What to Do About It)

    A phone’s push notifications can contain a significant amount of information about you, your communications, and what you do throughout the day. They’re important enough to government investigations that Apple and Google now both require a judge’s order to hand details about push notifications over to law enforcement, and even with that requirement Apple shares data on hundreds of users. More recently, we also learned from a 404 Media report that law enforcement forensic extraction tools can unearth the text from deleted notifications, including those from secure messaging tools, like Signal. The good news is that you can mitigate some of this risk. 

    There are two points where notifications may betray your privacy: when they’re transmitted over cloud servers and once they land on the device. Let’s start with the cloud. It might seem like push notifications come directly from an app, but they are typically routed through either Apple or Google’s servers first (depending on if you use iOS or Android). According to a letter sent to the Department of Justice by Senator Wyden, the content of those notifications may be visible to Apple and Google, and at the very least the companies collect some metadata about what apps send a notification and when. App providers have to make the decision to hide the content from Apple and Google and implement that functionality; Signal is one app that does this. 

    Then, once the notifications land on your phone, depending on your settings, the notification content may be visible on your lock screen without needing to unlock the device. This can be dangerous if you lose your device, someone steals it, or it’s confiscated by law enforcement. 

    You may clear notifications after looking at them. But it turns out the content notifications get recorded in your device’s internal storage, which then makes them susceptible to recovery with certain types of forensic tools. Notification content may even persist after the app is deleted, if the OS doesn’t fully purge the app’s notification data. 

    We still have a lot of unanswered questions about how the notification databases work on devices. We do not know how long notifications are stored, or whether they’re backed up to the cloud, in which case the cloud provider could get backdoor access to the content of messages if the backups are enabled and not end-to-end encrypted. This may also make backups vulnerable to law enforcement demands for data. 

    Which is all to say that there are myriad ways that law enforcement can access the content or metadata of push notifications. Let’s fix that.

    Consider the Strongest Notification Protections for Your Secure Messaging Apps

    Secure chat tools are designed to keep the content of the messages safe inside the app. So, for secure chat apps like WhatsApp and Signal, that means the company that makes those apps cannot see the content of your messages, and they’re only accessible on your and your recipients’ devices. Once messages land on a device, it’s still important to consider some privacy precautions, particularly with notifications. 

    Signal
    Signal offers three levels of information to include in notifications, all which are pretty self explanatory:

    • Name, Content, and Actions (Name and message on Android) shows the entirety of a message as well as who sent it (on iPhone you can also slide to reply, mark as read, or call back). 
    • Name only only shows the name of the sender. 
    • No Name or Content (No name or message on Android) will only show that you have a message from Signal, not who sent it or what it’s about. 

    To change your settings:

    • On iPhone: Tap your profile picture, then Settings > Notifications > Show.
    • On Android: Tap your profile picture, then Notifications > Show

    WhatsApp
    WhatsApp only has one option for this, and it’s currently limited to iPhone, but you can at least tell the app not to include the content of a message in the notification:

    • Open WhatsApp for iPhone, tap the “You” bar, then Notifications, and disable the Show preview option.

    Check your other apps to see if they offer similar settings.

    Limit Your Notifications Device-Wide

    Since Apple and Google manage push notifications for their respective devices, they also have some visibility into certain data. Push notification data can include certain types of metadata, like which app sent a notification and when, as well as the account ID associated with the phone. In some cases, Apple and Google may have access to unencrypted content, including the content of the text in a notification or other information from the app itself. 

    For most app notifications, there’s no simple way to easily figure out what metadata might be gleaned from a notification, or if the notification is unencrypted or not. But some app developers have described details along these lines. For example, Signal president Meredith Whittaker explained on social media how the Signal app handles notifications entirely on-device. Searching online for an app name along with “notification privacy,” “notification encryption” or “notification metadata” may help answer your questions, or you may need to dig around in support forums for the app.

    It’s also good to reconsider whether any app should be sending you notifications to begin with. Aside from a potential decrease in the number of distractions you endure throughout the day, or the level of chaos on display on your lockscreen, limiting the apps that can send notifications and what content is visible in them can improve your privacy with respect to the sorts of metadata that may be gathered by the companies, as well as any content that may be viewable if someone has physically accessed your device.

    To check and change your settings on iPhone

    • Open Settings > Notifications.
    • On the Show Previews option, you can choose whether to show the content of notifications on the lock screen, “Always,” which doesn’t require unlocking the device, “When Unlocked,” which does, and “Never,” which means notifications won’t have any details, just that you have a notification in an app. 
    • Alternatively, you can scroll down and change these settings per app. Just tap the app name, then the Show Previews menu, and choose how you’d like them to appear. Or, if you’ve decided you don’t want notifications from that app at all, uncheck the Allow Notifications option.

    To check and change your settings on Android
    The core version of Android relies on app developers to develop specific settings more than controlling them on a platform-wide level.

    • Open Settings > Notifications > App notifications to disable notifications from any app completely. Some apps may also offer internal notification options for specific types of notices, like new messages, that you can control in the app itself. Tap an app name, then tap the Addition settings in the app option to potentially customize it more.
    • You can also experiment with the sensitive content setting. This is up to the developer to set properly, but when done so, most notifications will require at least unlocking the device to see them. Open Settings > Notifications > Notifications on lock screen and disable “Show sensitive content.”

    Control What Notifications AI Tools Can Access

    In an attempt to make notifications easier to skim, both Android and iOS offer optional ways to get notification summaries using their AI tools that summarize the content of notifications. On an individual app level, WhatsApp offers this as well. Some of these summarization tools, like Apple’s, run on the device, while others, like WhatsApp’s, do not. This can all be a lot to keep track of, and sending data off device may create some level of risk for some messages.

    Since this is a bit more complicated, we have another blog post that walks through the steps to take to protect messaging from accidentally ending up in AI tools built into Apple and Google’s devices. For WhatsApp specifically, we have a blog detailing when you might want to turn on the app’s “Advanced Chat Privacy” feature, which can disable summaries for both yourself and others in the chat.

    Balancing security, privacy, and usability with something like push notifications is a complicated task. At the very least, Apple and Google should better ensure that the content of these notifications isn’t transmitted over their servers in plain text. The companies need to also make sure that device operating systems don’t back up the notification database to the cloud, and when an app is deleted, that all notification data is purged.

    We appreciate that apps like Signal allow you to control what’s visible with notifications on a per-app basis, and we’d like to see this level of granularity of choices in other secure messaging tools, like WhatsApp. Likewise, more apps should handle push notifications similarly to the way Signal does, where a ping is sent to wake up the app to check for messages, and the content of that message is never sent across servers.

  • See the Pig, Order the Falafel

    This story was originally published by Sentient.

    If you want people to eat less pork, show them a picture of a pig. That’s what a new study conducted in the U.K. suggests. The odds of university students, staff and visitors choosing vegetarian dishes at the cafeteria were 22% higher when the menu listed a meat dish alongside a picture of the animal associated with it, the study finds. It’s an example of how a barely perceptible intervention, a “nudge,” can be used to encourage a choice — and in this case, promote dietary change.

    Global meat consumption has doubled over the last 60 years despite the global call to eat less meat to mitigate the environmental harm caused by the meat industry. Animal agriculture is the biggest driver of deforestation and contributes up to 20% of all greenhouse gas emissions. But inspiring omnivores to cut down on meat has been an ongoing challenge.

    Global meat consumption has doubled over the last 60 years.

    Scientists have coined the phrase “the meat paradox” to describe this issue. Many people will say they care about the well-being of animals, but then turn around and eat meat, supporting an industry known for its inhumane treatment of animals. And they will often point to cultural values to justify their diet.

    One way to redirect a person’s thinking back to their empathy is to use a nudge — a subtle change in design or presentation that may alter people’s decisions without affecting their freedom to choose. In the 2008 book of the same name, authors Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein defined a nudge as “any aspect of the choice architecture that alters people’s behavior in a predictable way without forbidding any options or significantly changing their economic incentives.”

    “To count as a mere nudge, the intervention must be easy and cheap to avoid,” the authors wrote. “Nudges are not mandates. Putting fruit at eye level counts as a nudge. Banning junk food does not.”

    A nudge was the tool used in the U.K. study. Students, staff and visitors in a university cafeteria were given one of two menus: one that was text only or one that displayed images of living animals next to their corresponding meat dishes.

    The researchers observed dining patterns over two six-day periods. They found that when people looked at menus with pictures of animals, their odds of ordering a vegetarian dish jumped by 22%. These findings were consistent across the various pork, beef, chicken and fish dishes included in the study, the researchers wrote.

    The students still had complete freedom to choose their meals. There was no incentive to pick the vegetarian option. This “demonstrates that visual reminders of meat’s animal origins can influence actual food choices in a natural setting,” the researchers wrote.

    It’s not the first study to support using nudges as a tool for encouraging people to eat more plant-based foods. A 2019 study found that when conference attendees were offered a meat buffet by default with the option of switching to a plant-based dish, 94% chose the meat meal — but when a plant-based buffet was offered as the default, only 13% chose a meat dish.

    When people looked at menus with pictures of animals, their odds of ordering a vegetarian dish jumped by 22%.

    For years, organizations like Greener by Default and the Better Food Foundation have been helping places like hospitals and universities implement plant-based nudges at their cafeterias. This takes many forms, such as offering plant-based dishes by default, displaying them more prominently and giving them more appetizing names.

    New York City’s public hospitals deployed some of these policies, and after making subtle changes to how patients were offered food, the number of meat dishes served by the hospital fell by about 50%. The Better Food Foundation says that the various plant-based nudge initiatives it’s helped implement have collectively reduced carbon emissions by 7.9 million kilograms annually.

    Many people are deeply attached to their food, and it’s not surprising that many don’t want to be told to eat less of something they love. This study adds to the growing body of evidence that nudges can be a powerful and effective way of encouraging people to choose to eat less meat.

    The post See the Pig, Order the Falafel appeared first on Truthdig.

  • Dominica Revokes ‘Golden Passport’ of Slain Iranian Official’s Son Amid Sanctions Probe

    The Caribbean nation of Dominica has revoked the citizenship of the son of a recently assassinated Iranian official, accusing him of concealing his father’s political ties to obtain a so-called “golden passport.”

    The move comes in the wake of an investigation by OCCRP, which revealed that Abolfazl Shamkhani and his brother, the sanctioned oil tycoon Hossein Shamkhani, used Dominican aliases to hold a luxury real estate portfolio in Dubai valued at approximately $29 million.

    In a letter dated March 27, 2026, and obtained by the OCCRP, Dominica’s state minister in the Ministry of Labour, Daren Pinard, informed Abolfazl Shamkhani that his citizenship — which had been granted under the alias “Sami Hayek” — was being revoked “with immediate effect.”

    Pinard stated that Shamkhani had secured his citizenship in 2020 through the “concealment of a material fact.” Specifically, he had failed to disclose that his father, Ali Shamkhani, was a top political advisor to Iran’s late Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

    Both Ali Shamkhani and Ayatollah Khamenei were killed, along with several other senior Iranian officials, in U.S.-Israeli airstrikes on Feb. 28, according to Iran’s semi-official ILNA news agency.

    The revocation letter also cited an unspecified “act which is incompatible with loyalty to Dominica” as justification for the decision. Shamkhani has been given 25 days to request a formal inquiry into the order.

    The island nation’s decision mirrors a similar move made in August 2025, when Dominican authorities revoked the citizenship of Abolfazl’s brother, Hossein Shamkhani, according to a separate letter also signed by Pinard.

    Hossein Shamkhani has been the target of an escalating Western crackdown. The United States and the European Union sanctioned him in July 2025, accusing him of orchestrating a multibillion-dollar illicit oil smuggling network that benefited both Iran and Russia. The United Kingdom followed suit in August, stating that he supported the Iranian regime’s “hostile activity.”

    A sanctions notice from the U.S. Treasury Department alleged that Hossein Shamkhani leveraged “corruption through his father’s political influence… to build and operate a massive fleet of tankers and containerships.”

    According to the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), the Shamkhani family systematically funneled this “ill-gotten wealth” into global real estate and foreign passports “to travel undetected and hide their connections to Iran.” OFAC noted that Hossein Shamkhani held a Dominican passport under the name “Hugo Hayek.”

    The OCCRP’s investigation found that the brothers used their Dominican aliases to hold at least four high-end properties in Dubai. Two neighboring villas were originally purchased under their real Iranian names before being quietly transferred to their “Hayek” identities at an unknown date.

    Corporate records further connect the brothers to the broader sanctions evasion network. The “Hayek” brothers were listed as founding shareholders of a Turkish firm that was later sanctioned by the United States as part of its sweeping action against Hossein Shamkhani’s shipping empire.

    While Abolfazl Shamkhani has not been criminally charged or personally sanctioned, his financial activities have drawn the attention of U.S. law enforcement. In two civil forfeiture actions filed in federal court in Washington, U.S. prosecutors alleged that he manages several firms tethered to his brother’s network.

    The Justice Department is currently targeting $15.3 million in funds seized in early 2026, after alleged “front companies” linked to Hossein attempted to wire the money through the U.S. financial system.

    It remains unclear whether either brother plans to legally challenge Dominica’s revocations, and neither responded to requests for comment in time for publication. However, in a previous statement to Bloomberg, Hossein Shamkhani denied owning oil companies and maintained that he operates only in jurisdictions “not under sanctions.”

    Amid the escalating conflict in Iran, Dominica is tightening its lucrative Citizenship by Investment (CBI) program to prevent further exploitation.

    According to a March 23 letter issued by CBI unit director Gregory McDougall, Dominican authorities have officially closed the scheme to new Iranian applicants. Under the revised rules, Iranians are now only eligible for a Dominican passport if they have lived outside of Iran for at least ten years and hold no significant assets or business interests within the country.

  • Rollout of Covid vaccines extraordinary feat – inquiry report

    Covid vaccines saved hundreds of thousands of lives, but a small minority harmed need better support, says report.