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  • MIDDLE EAST LIVE 25 March: Strait of Hormuz, Human Rights Council meets

    It’s day 26 of war in the Middle East. Ongoing strikes in Israel and Iran have included intensifying Israeli attacks against Hezbollah targets in Lebanon, while some 2,000 US troops are reportedly about to mobilize to the region. Meanwhile, Iran has told the UN maritime agency that the Strait of Hormuz remains open to “non-hostile” ships not associated with the US and Israel. In Geneva, a rare urgent debate on the crisis is also getting under way at the Human Rights Council. Stay with us for live updates from across the UN system. UN News app users can follow coverage here.
  • Digital Hopes, Real Power: Reflecting on the Legacy of the Arab Spring

    This is the first installment of a blog series reflecting on the global digital legacy of the 2011 Arab uprisings.

    A new generation of protesters, raised on social media and often fluent in the tools of digital dissent, has taken to the streets in recent months and years. In Bangladesh, Iran, Togo, France, Uganda, Nepal, and more than a dozen other countries, young people have harnessed digital tools to mobilize at scale, shape political narratives, and sustain movements that might once have been easier to ignore or suppress.

    The tools at their disposal are vast, allowing them to coordinate quickly and turn local grievances into visible, transnational moments of dissent. But each new tactic is met in turn: governments now implement draconian regulations and deploy sophisticated surveillance systems, content manipulation, and automated censorship to pre-empt, predict, and punish collective action. 

    This cycle of digital empowerment and repression is not new. In many ways, its roots can be traced to the 2011 uprisings that rippled across the Middle East and North Africa. Often referred to as the “Arab Spring,” these movements didn’t just reshape politics…they transformed how we talk about the internet, and how governments respond in times of protest, crisis, and conflict. Fifteen years later, the legacy of that moment still defines the terms of resistance and control in the digital age.

    At the time, we were sold the comforting narrative that the internet would help bring about democracy, that connectivity itself was revolutionary, and that Silicon Valley’s products—particularly social media platforms—were aligned with the people. It was a narrative that tech executives were sometimes happy to amplify and certain Western governments were happy to believe. 

    But the same networks that helped protesters to organize and broadcast their demands beyond their own borders laid the groundwork for new forms of repression. Over the years, the same tools that were once celebrated as tools of dissent have become instruments for tracking, harassing, and prosecuting dissenters.

    This series examines the digital legacy of the 2011 uprisings that shook the region: how governments refined censorship and surveillance after 2011, how platforms alternately resisted and enabled those efforts, and how a new generation of civil society has pushed back.

    “Over the years, the same tools that were once celebrated as tools of dissent have become instruments for tracking, harassing, and prosecuting dissenters.”

    When Tunisian fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire on December 17, 2010, after repeated harassment by local officials, he could not have known the chain reaction his act would spark. After nearly twenty-three years in power, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali faced a public fed up with repression. Protests spread across Tunisia, ultimately forcing him to flee.

    In his final speech, Ben Ali promised reforms: a freer press and fewer internet restrictions. He left before either materialized. For Tunisians, who had lived for years under normalized censorship both online and off, the promises rang hollow.

    At the time, Tunisia’s internet controls were among the most restrictive in the world. Reporting by the exiled outlet Nawaat documented a sophisticated filtering regime: DNS tampering, URL blocking, IP filtering, keyword censorship. Yet despite that machinery, Tunisians built a resilient blogging culture, often relying on circumvention tools to push information beyond their borders. When protests began—and before international media caught up—they were ready.

    Eleven days after Ben Ali fled, Egyptians took to the streets. International headlines rushed to label it a “Twitter revolution,” mistaking a tool for a movement. Egypt’s government drew a similar conclusion. On January 26, authorities blocked Twitter and Facebook. The next day, they shut down the internet almost entirely, a foreshadowing of what we’d see fifteen years later in Iran.

    As Egyptians fought to free their country from President Hosni Mubarak’s autocratic rule, protests swept across the region to Bahrain, where demonstrators gathered at the Pearl Roundabout before facing a brutal crackdown; to Syria, where early calls for reform spiraled into one of the most devastating conflicts of the century; to Morocco, where the February 20 Movement pushed for constitutional change. Outside of the region, movements took shape in Spain, Greece, Portugal, Iceland, the United States, and beyond.

    In each context, digital platforms helped circulate images, testimonies, and tactics across borders. They created visibility—and, in turn, inspired a playbook. Governments watched not only their own populations but one another, quickly learning how to disrupt networks, identify organizers, and seize back control of the narrative.

    Cause and Effect

    To be clear, the internet didn’t create these movements. Decades of repression, corruption, labor organizing, and grassroots activism did. Later research confirmed what many in the region already understood: digital tools helped people share information and coordinate action, but they were neither the spark nor the engine of revolt.

    But regardless, the myth of the “Twitter revolution” had consequences. The breathless coverage, and rapid policy reactions that followed shaped state strategy around the world. Governments across the region and well beyond invested heavily in surveillance technologies, developed new legal mechanisms, increased their own social media presence, and found ways to influence platforms. Internet blackouts, once rare, became a normalized tool of crisis response. And companies were forced into increasingly public decisions about whether to resist state pressure or comply.

    When it comes to the internet, the legacy of the 2011 uprisings that swept the region and beyond is a story about power: how states moved to consolidate control online, how platforms—often under pressure—have narrowed the space for dissent, and how civil society has been forced to evolve to defend it.

    This five-part series will take a deeper look at how the internet as a space for dissent and for hope has changed over the past fifteen years throughout the region and well beyond.  

  • The Conflict Between Sustainable Debt and Sustainable Life in Argentina

    After twelve years without the IMF’s intervention in Argentina’s economic policies, in 2018, Argentina signed a new, highly controversial, 50 billion loan with the Fund. This loan, which violated Argentine domestic rules and IMF rules and may have been illegal under international law, worsened the economic situation rather than stabilizing it. In 2022, after secretive and “docile” negotiations…

    Source

  • The Convicted Kosovar Bank Burglar With a Cameo in a Drake Video

    Originally from Kosovo, Hamdi Lataj has listed his address in one of Toronto’s most exclusive condo towers, sits courtside at Raptors basketball games, and appears in a music video for the hip-hop superstar Drake.

    The 62-year-old man of Albanian descent appears to live a life of luxury. But police and prosecution files from both Canada and the U.S. reveal Lataj’s troubled past.

    He was convicted in the U.S. of conspiracy to commit bank burglary, and sentenced to two years in prison, according to court records obtained by reporters. The group he was with had attempted to burgle a Brooklyn bank by breaching the building’s roof. Lataj was apprehended while fleeing the scene in his Cadillac. 

    While Lataj has no criminal record in Canada, his name has surfaced in law enforcement probes. An investigation file from a decade ago reveals that police once suspected he was trafficking drugs with Mexican cocaine kingpin Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán.

    In a more recent probe, police put him under surveillance in an illegal gambling and money laundering investigation involving the Hells Angels biker gang, and alleged Toronto-area members of Italy’s ‘Ndrangheta mafia.

    Aside from his alleged underworld associations, Lataj has also rubbed shoulders with one of Toronto’s most famous sons. He can be seen laughing and chatting with Drake in the rapper’s 2023 video for the song Polar Opposites, sitting with surly men playing cards in a dark gambling den. 

    Drake and the other men are filmed in the shadows, wearing red leather jackets emblazoned with the black eagle of the flag of Albania. On Youtube, the video has so far racked up almost 10 million views.

    It is unknown if Drake was aware of Lataj’s criminal history before appearing in the video with him. Neither man replied to messages, phone calls, and hand-delivered letters seeking comment. 

    Drake’s representatives at The Agency Group PR LLC invited reporters to send questions, but did not respond to multiple follow up emails and phone messages. Lawyers who have represented Drake in legal cases did not respond to emailed questions or phone messages. 

    In a case of art imitating life, Drake’s production team perhaps unwittingly cast an actual ex-convict in Polar Opposites. The video plays up an underworld scenario that puts an Albanian twist on a common gangster theme — and it dropped amidst a years-long public feud with rapper Kendrick Lamar. 

    In his 2024 song “Euphoria,” Lamar disses Drake for his lack of street cred, dismissing him as “a scam artist with the hopes of being accepted.”

    Unlike many rappers, Drake comes from a relatively privileged background, which makes him an easy target, said Alan Cross, an expert on the history of popular music whose podcasts include Uncharted: Crime and Mayhem in the Music Industry.

    “He’s not from the inner city of America, he’s something completely different,” Cross said. “He’s a child actor turned hip hop star.”

    Far from Drake’s entertainment industry beginnings in the Canadian teen drama Degrassi: The Next Generation, Polar Opposites shows the tall, muscular rapper hanging with a decidedly adult crowd. The camera cuts between Drake brooding in the glow of video gambling machines, and shooting pool with grizzled characters like Lataj.

    Lataj’s presence in the video was reported the day it was released by Albanian-language media outlet Ballkani, which referred to him only as Drake’s “friend.” A Kosovar community Facebook group sent congratulations to Lataj, saying he “made us proud” by appearing with the rap megastar. Despite Lataj’s appearance in Drake’s video, there’s no evidence that the two are close. 

    Lataj appears to enjoy the trappings of wealth in Toronto, while also donating to causes back in his native Kosovo. Social media posts and news clippings indicate he has given at least 200,000 euros ($235,000) to community facilities in his homeland. 

    Reporters could not find evidence of his profession other than two firms that report very little activity, including one that invested in a junior mining company. In police files from Canada, his occupation is listed as “unknown.”

    Brooklyn Bank Burglary    

    Lataj has led a colourful life across the Atlantic since leaving Kosovo at some point in the 1980s. Immigration case files show Lataj entered the U.S. illegally in 1986. He was later placed into deportation proceedings, but granted voluntary departure instead of being forcibly removed. 

    Court records show that he failed in an asylum claim in 1987, but he remained in the U.S. until the appeal process was exhausted, and racked up a criminal record there. Immigration records reveal that Lataj has been convicted of several charges in the U.S., including a 2001 burglary case.” 

    According to legal documents from the burglary case, a court found that Lataj had become involved with a group of emigres from the former Yugoslavia and Albania who had allegedly “engaged in and planned several commercial and bank burglaries in the New York area.”  

    Lataj was arrested and convicted for the burglary of a Brooklyn bank after police found the roof was breached with cutting tools. Lataj was caught trying to flee in his Cadillac, which featured heavily in police surveillance reports, and he was sentenced to two years in federal prison. 

    After being released in March 2003, Lataj was once more slated for deportation to Kosovo, which was eventually ordered in 2009. As part of his appeals process, Lataj had argued to U.S. officials that deportation would put him at risk, because of a “blood feud” his family was involved in back home.  

    A 2013 U.S. indictment obtained by OCCRP and the Investigative Journalism Bureau named Lataj along with several suspects including Arif Kurti, also known as “the Bear.” American authorities identified Kurti as an alleged leader of a drugs and money-laundering gang operating out of New York. Kurti was convicted of drug trafficking in the case in 2014.

    Lataj was never brought to trial in that case, although the indictment linked him to marijuana trafficking and money laundering. 

    Lataj’s name has been redacted from the current version of the indictment. His name was visible in an earlier version of the document due to a poor redaction effort, which was fixed in later versions. Officials at the Eastern District of New York declined to comment on reasons for the redaction, or whether Lataj was ever charged. 

    Bad Company  

    Lataj eventually moved north to Canada.

    A federal Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) document dated September 2016 shows that, by 2013, police suspected him of drug trafficking in Toronto and elsewhere in the country. An RCMP spokesperson said that due to the historical nature of the case file, they were unable to assist reporters in their inquiries. It’s unclear if Lataj was charged.

    The 2016 RCMP police file shows a Canadian police officer suspected Lataj of trafficking cocaine alongside Sinaloa cartel boss Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzmán. Described by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency as “the world’s most dangerous, prolific drug trafficker,” Guzmán is serving a life sentence. 

    In the RCMP document, the submitting officer swore he had “reasonable grounds” to believe that individuals including Guzmán and Lataj “committed the indictable offence of Trafficking” an illegal substance, “to wit: cocaine.”

    Calvin Chrustie, a retired RCMP senior operations officer, said the document appears to be an “Information” sworn before a justice of the peace, a formal document used by police to lay criminal charges.

    “In this case, the officer is swearing that he had reasonable grounds to believe that individuals including Joaquin ‘El Chapo’ Guzmán Loera, Hamdi Lataj and others committed offences related to cocaine trafficking and participation in a criminal organization,” said Chrustie, now a senior partner with the security and intelligence advisory firm Critical Risk Team.

    “That legal threshold, ‘reasonable grounds to believe,’ sits above suspicion but below proof beyond a reasonable doubt. The document records sworn allegations used to initiate the criminal process, and court endorsements on the form indicate that some of the charges were later withdrawn,” he said.

    Neither Lataj nor Guzmán appear to have been charged in the case, which targeted an alleged co-conspirator, Stephen Tello. The charges against Tello were eventually withdrawn. 

    Tello was later sentenced to a lengthy prison term in Canada on separate drugs offences. American court records include testimony from El Chapo’s longtime righthand man, Alex Cifuentes-Villa, indicating that Tello had at one point been the cartel’s main “worker” in Canada. Tello did not respond to a request for comment.

    Lataj was back on Canadian law enforcement radar in August 2019, records show.  

    More than a year earlier, police in Ontario had begun an investigation called Project Hobart, aimed at dismantling a gambling ring allegedly involving the Hells Angels biker gang. 

    An application for discovery by the defendants, obtained by reporters, shows a judge granted permission for police to surveil Lataj’s car and cellphone. He is named on a list of “principal known persons” surveilled by police in the operation, which targeted a ring suspected of involvement in illegal gambling websites, illicit gaming parlors, and money laundering. 

    Others approved by the judge for surveillance included Angelo Figliomeni. OCCRP has previously reported on Italian and Canadian investigations into Figliomeni, who police suspected to be the boss of the Toronto faction of Italy’s ‘Ndrangheta mafia. Neither Lataj nor Figliomeni were ever listed as charged in the case. A lawyer for Figliomeni did not respond to a request for comment.’  

    License plates listed in the Project Hobart case files match those of a Range Rover Lataj can be seen posing beside in a January 2021 post on social media. To his other side is a Porsche GT2RS, a model that can sell for more than $400,000. It’s not clear if Lataj owns the cars. 

    While Lataj did not respond to requests for comment, the Ontario Provincial Police declined to answer questions about his involvement in the Hobart case. Police said “the matter has been before the courts and an individual’s criminal record is protected” under privacy laws. They referred questions to the Ministry of the Attorney General, which did not respond to requests for comment. 

    Like his connection to the Hobart case, many questions about Lataj remain unanswered. But his public profile does provide some clues about his lifestyle.

    Corporate registration documents show his company address at a penthouse in an upscale downtown Toronto condo tower, where units were listed last year at a monthly rent of more than CAN $11,000 (about $8,026). 

    Lataj has been seen in photos sitting in coveted front row seats at Toronto Raptors basketball games. Tickets like that are worth thousands of dollars — even tens of thousands during finals.

    In newswire images dating back to May 2019, a beaming Lataj can be seen standing courtside next to former Raptors star Kyle Lowry, celebrating the team’s NBA Eastern Conference win. 

    Lataj’s passion for basketball is one shared with Drake. The rap mogul was named the Raptors’ global ambassador, and has appeared at games in the team’s purple jersey.

  • Hospital waited two days before raising alarm about meningitis outbreak

    Experts say the wait was indefensible and possibly delayed identification of the outbreak.
  • Two thirds of consultants want to work for new NHS online hospital

    Almost two thirds of NHS consultants are keen to work for the NHS’s online hospital when the revolutionary service launches next year, a new poll has revealed. Six in ten consultants (60%) said they would be interested in working for NHS Online alongside their current NHS roles – many more than will be needed to […]
  • France Fines First Batch of Pirate IPTV Subscribers Following Reseller Bust

    France Fines First Batch of Pirate IPTV Subscribers Following Reseller Bust

    France has been at the forefront of the fight against online piracy for years.

    It pioneered the three-strikes “graduated response” system back in 2009, where the Hadopi agency tracked, warned, and fined online pirates, mostly those using BitTorrent.

    As piracy shifted to streaming, however, enforcement became more complicated. Unlike BitTorrent, IPTV services don’t broadcast users’ IP addresses publicly, which has made individual subscribers difficult to identify and prosecute.

    However, IPTV operators and resellers keep records. When investigators reach those records, subscribers can find themselves exposed.

    19 IPTV Subscribers Fined

    Last week, the French football league LFP announced that the Arras Public Prosecutor’s Office reached financial settlements with 19 subscribers of a pirate IPTV service. These users signed a criminal settlement that requires them to pay a fine ranging from €300 to €400.

    The criminal investigation was started following a complaint from LFP. The prosecutors eventually identified 21 defendants and have now settled with 19 of them. The remaining two defendants are resellers, who are summoned to appear before the Arras criminal court in April, Zataz reports.

    This is the first case in France where IPTV users are sanctioned. While the plea agreements are relatively modest, LFP stresses that the law provides for penalties of up to €7,500.

    The authorities did not disclose how the subscribers were identified, but IPTV resellers typically hold customer records including email addresses and payment details. If the authorities collected this as evidence, they could effectively expose the subscribers.

    Mafia-like Ecosystem

    The Arras case is not the first time European IPTV subscribers have faced consequences. In Italy, the Guardia di Finanza identified thousands of subscribers following the dismantling of a pirate network, and rights holders subsequently sent civil damages demands on top of the criminal fines.

    Last May, the authorities announced that 2,282 pirate IPTV subscribers had been fined across 80 Italian provinces. Following this action, rightsholders collected additional damages settlements of up to €1,000 from a number of the same people.

    France has followed a different path, but the Arras prosecutions suggest the gap may be narrowing. In its official communiqué, the LFP made clear the intent behind the action, while warning that more actions are underway.

    “The LFP and LFP Media welcome this strong message to users of piracy services, who mistakenly believe they can act with impunity when in fact they are knowingly contributing to a mafia-like ecosystem that seriously harms the entire sports sector,” the organization writes.

    “Many criminal actions targeting resellers of IPTV subscriptions are underway, and their customers may, as such, be questioned and prosecuted,” the league added (TF translated).

    Millions of LFP Pirates Remain

    While LFP hopes that the prosecutions and the associated fines against 19 IPTV subscribers will send a deterrent message, there is still a long way to go.

    At a sports piracy conference held at Roland-Garros on March 23, LFP Media’s Douglas Lowenstein presented survey data showing that around two million people in France watched Ligue 1 via pirate services this season, making it the most pirated competition in the country.

    Prosecuting millions of people isn’t very practical, which is why rightsholders are also continuing to push for expanded site-blocking powers.

    Arcom, France’s broadcasting regulator, has blocked more than 12,600 domain names since 2022, but rightsholders argue that real-time automated blocking is needed to keep pace with live match piracy. This is particularly important with the 2026 FIFA World Cup in mind.

    The French football league is pushing for Article 10 of a pending sports law, which would allow automated blocking without manual approval. Sports Minister Marina Ferrari has indicated the legislation could move before June, ahead of the 2026 World Cup.

    If LFP’s warnings are correct, we may also see more prosecutions of IPTV pirates in the near future. In any case, the two resellers in the Arras case will have made their appearance in court by then, which is scheduled for April 7.

    From: TF, for the latest news on copyright battles, piracy and more.

  • Pluralistic: The cost of doing business (25 Mar 2026)

    Today’s links



    A stern robed judge at the top of an orange slide, holding a gavel, his feet facing us. He is in a courtroom. On the walls behind him hang portraits of Lina Khan and John Sherman.

    The cost of doing business (permalink)

    The most important part of any law, rule or policy isn’t what it permits or prohibits – it’s whether you can enforce the law at all.

    After all, as odious as a law that forbids people from thinking mean thoughts about Trump would be, it would also be completely unenforceable, and would ultimately just not be very important, except as a symbol of Trump’s evil.

    This property is called “administrability,” meaning, “the degree to which an authority can administer the policy.” There are many dimensions to administrability, including “Is it even possible to detect whether this policy has been violated?” In that same vein, there’re questions like, “If you discover someone has violated this policy, will you be able to stop them from continuing to do so?” For example, the US routinely indicts North Korean hackers, but unless those hackers visit a place that the US can inveigle into arresting and extraditing them, it’s a mostly symbolic gesture:

    https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/3-north-korean-military-hackers-indicted-wide-ranging-scheme-commit-cyber-attacks-and

    One undertheorized aspect of administrability is “fact-intensivity”; that is, are there difficult, fact-intensive questions that need to be answered in order to determine whether someone has violated this policy?

    Think of probate law: probate is often a lengthy and expensive process, especially if the deceased is “intestate” (has no will). To probate an estate, all the deceased’s assets have to be cataloged and assessed, claims of heirs and inheritors have to be evaluated, etc, etc.

    People spend a lot of time and money creating wills and family trusts largely to answer these questions when they’re easiest to resolve (when you’re still alive and can clearly express your preferences), because it’s even more expensive and time-consuming to answer these questions when you’re not around anymore to weigh in on them.

    As complex and time-consuming as managing your estate can be, there’s nothing wrong in theory with having a complicated, careful process in place for dealing with it. Taking care of your loved ones and disposing of your assets is something that’s worth getting right, and people have all kinds of highly individual preferences for this that requires a lot of flexibility in the system. Making a system that’s very customizable but also robust against fraud (or even honest mistakes) requires a lot of administrative superstructure to hold it all together.

    And besides, probate isn’t something we have to do very often. After all, most of us will only die one or fewer times. It’s not like we have to figure this stuff out every day. It’s the kind of thing you can do every couple of decades, over several hours, spread out over weeks.

    Frequency, then, is the enemy of fact-intensivity. If you had to do probate-level form-filling to buy a cup of coffee or pay your electricity bill, that would be nuts. For one thing, it would be full employment for lawyers – and it would cost so much that by the time you got to the cafe or the gas-pump, you’d be too broke to actually complete the transaction.

    This comes up a lot in discussions of tech policy, because once you computerize something, you can start to do it very quickly, which means that policies that added, say, a 1% admin overhead to a task before it was digitized can add up to a 1,000% overhead once it’s digitized.

    The best example of this is copyright: copyright is the most fact-intensive doctrine you deal with on a day to day basis. Technically, conclusively determining whether you have the right to forward an email could take a lawyer a whole day. Sure, most email forwarding is “fair use” (that is, it fits into one of copyright’s “limitations and exceptions”), but any decent IP law prof could come up with ten email forwarding hypotheticals in ten minutes that could occupy a whole fourth-year IP law class for an entire semester.

    One of the reasons copyright is so fact-intensive is that it was designed to be invoked infrequently. We’re talking about a legal regime that was designed to answer questions about book and music publishing (and then adapted for other kinds of media), and even the most prolific publisher or label is going to deal with double-digits’ worth of new works per season.

    Meanwhile, the people working at that same publisher are likely forwarding hundreds, if not thousands of emails per day. If the publisher’s copyright lawyers had to review every one of those forwards, they would never publish another book. They would go bankrupt.

    Obviously, that’s not how things work.

    Why not, though?

    Well, mostly because we just pretend copyright law isn’t there. To the extent that we do acknowledge the potential for copyright liability from everyday activities that no one ever asks a lawyer to sign off on, we manage that liability through shitty, one-sided contracts. You have undoubtably clicked on dozens of agreements this year wherein you warranted that nothing you were doing violated copyright law (a neat trick, given that you probably have no idea whether any of the activities you routinely engage in could violate copyright) and further, you indemnified someone else for “all costs arising from any claims” associated with your activity.

    That’s an unbelievably shitty, one-sided clause for you to have “agreed” to, since “any claims” includes claims with no merit and “all costs” includes “money we paid someone who brought a bullshit claim to just go away.”

    In other words, you routinely click through these nonsense “agreements” where you promise to give every cent you have to anyone who wants it, if the company that made you click through that bullshit decides to promise some deranged rando a million bucks to settle their wild accusation that you violated their copyrights.

    For complicated reasons, we’re not all drowning in copyright lawsuits all the time, but if someone really wanted to fuck you up and they had deep enough pockets, they could use the fact that you’re a giant, routine copyright infringer (just like everyone else) to wreck your life for years.

    So obviously, it would have been better if we’d done some major refactoring of copyright law once the internet came along. My preferred fix? Carve out activities unrelated to the media industry’s supply chain from copyright altogether:

    https://pluralistic.net/2023/10/21/the-internets-original-sin/

    Copyright isn’t the only fact-intensive doctrine that’s challenged by the cadence of digital life. The internet lets us do a lot of things, very quickly, meaning that even small factual questions pile up beyond any reasonable capacity to resolve them.

    Take the debate over content moderation and hate speech. Hate speech and harassment online are serious problems and they disproportionately affect people who are getting the shitty end of the stick in the offline world, too. The legacy platforms obviously don’t give a damn about these people, either.

    So it’s tempting to attempt to use policy to solve this real problem. Even if the US wasn’t being run by a trollocracy, this would probably be a nonstarter in America, because hate speech is protected by the First Amendment, and purely speech-based harassment is hard to punish without falling afoul of 1A.

    But other countries – notably the EU – are having a go at it. I think this is a doomed effort – but not because hate speech isn’t a serious problem! Rather, because hate speech regulations are very fact intensive, and hate speech is very common. Frequency is the enemy of fact-intensivity.

    Say the EU creates a rule requiring platforms to take reasonable measures to prevent hate speech. This requires

    1. arriving at a common definition of hate speech;
    2. adjudicating whether a given user’s speech rises to that definition; and

    3. determining whether the platform’s technical measures were “reasonable.”

    This is the work of months, if not years. And hate speech happens hundreds of times per minute on the big platforms. It’s just not an administrable policy.

    Now, just because policy isn’t administrable, it doesn’t follow that there’s nothing to be done. There’s other ways to give relief to the targets of harassment and hate speech. To get to those ways, we have to ask ourselves why people who are tormented by trolls stay on the platforms that expose them to abuse.

    There are plenty of extremely wrong explanations for this floating around. One is that Mark Zuckerberg and Elon Musk are Cyber-Rasputins who can hypnotize us into using their platforms even if we don’t like them, by “hacking our dopamine loops.” This is a very silly explanation: everyone who’s ever claimed to have perfected mind-control was a liar and/or deluded:

    https://pluralistic.net/HowToDestroySurveillanceCapitalism

    Another is that people are lying (possibly to themselves) when they say they don’t like being harassed on legacy social media platforms. This theory – from neoclassical econ – is called “revealed preferences,” and it holds that people whose actions go against their stated preferences are “revealing a preference” for the thing they’re doing.

    This is the sort of thing you end up believing in if you incur the kind of neurological injury that arises from pursuing an economics degree, which causes you to be incapable of reasoning about (or even perceiving) power. “Revealed preferences” tells you that if someone sells their kidney to pay the rent, they have a “revealed preference” for having one kidney.

    Thankfully, there’s a much simpler explanation for people’s continued use of platforms where they are subject to abuse and harassment. It’s this: the only thing worse than being a member of a disfavored minority who is subject to abuse and harassment is being a member of a disfavored minority who is subject to abuse and harassment who is also isolated from your community.

    Leaving Facebook or Twitter means leaving behind the people who comfort and support you when you are subject to abuse. The more abuse and discrimination you face, the more that support matters, and the harder it is to leave that community behind. You love your community more than you hate Zuck or Musk, so you stay, because as much as you love them, it’s transcendentally difficult to coordinate a mass departure for somewhere else. This is called the “collective action problem” and it’s a regressive tax on the most abused platform users and communities.

    This is a problem we can solve with policy! We can mandate that platforms support interoperability, so that when you leave a legacy platform like Twitter or Facebook for a modern platform like Mastodon or Bluesky, the messages addressed to you on the legacy platform are forwarded to your new home. That way you can have the people you love without the platform you hate.

    This is a very administrable policy. The main lift is figuring out the nuts and bolts of interoperability, and while that’s a big technical project, it’s the kind of thing you only have to do once or twice. Then, if a platform fails in its duty to forward your messages after you leave, it’s very easy for a regulator to determine whether it’s violating the rules – they just have to send a message to your old account and see if it shows up for your new account:

    https://pluralistic.net/2022/12/19/better-failure/#let-my-tweeters-go

    A hate speech policy is hard to administer because it requires resolving a bunch of fact-intensive questions. A “right to exit” policy replaces all those fact-intensive questions with a bright line policy (“if you don’t forward your former users’ messages, you are guilty”), which can be administered at high speed.

    Whenever a fact-intensive policy that regulates an infrequent activity fails because the activity becomes more frequent, you have two choices: you can either slow down the activity, or you can replace the fact-intensive questions with bright-line tests that can be resolved much more quickly.

    But more often, we fail to do either, and everything goes very badly indeed.

    That’s more or less what’s happened with “merger scrutiny,” the part of antitrust law that lets competition regulators (or competitors) block or put conditions on mergers that involve large firms.

    In these merger scrutiny cases, plaintiffs who challenge a merger are expected to resolve a bunch of extremely fact-intensive questions. Fail to resolve any of these questions and the merger goes ahead.

    The most pernicious fact-intensive question that arises in antitrust cases is “market definition.” That’s pretty much what it sounds like: “What market is this company doing business in?” If you can prove that the companies in a proposed merger are in the same market, then it’s a lot easier to prove that allowing the merger would reduce competition.

    The problem is that “market” is a very slippery concept. As Tim Wu describes in his excellent book The Age of Extraction, “market definition” creates a near-infinite amount of wiggle-room:

    https://www.wired.com/story/tim-wu-age-of-extraction/

    When Wu was serving in the Obama FTC, he had a front-row seat for Google’s acquisition of Waze. Now, obviously these companies are direct competitors, but the Obama administration wanted the merger to go through (it was dominated by people who thought monopolies are efficient and didn’t want to do their jobs). So these officials decided that Google Maps’ market was “finding out where you are” and that Waze’s market was “getting you somewhere.” It was really that stupid.

    Writing for the Law and Political Economy project, Hal Singer explains how the fact-intensive nature of the “market definition” question makes it virtually impossible to prevent market concentration and abuse of dominance:

    https://lpeproject.org/blog/the-market-definition-trap/

    From Livenation/Ticketmaster to Paramount/Warner Brothers, the “market definition trap” leaves the public virtually defenseless before efforts to reorganize the economy into extractive, rapacious cartels.

    In a recent interview with the Do Not Pass Go podcast, Paul Crampton (Canada’s recently retired top competition judge) talks about the tsunami of mergers that Canada’s Competition Bureau is expected to oversee:

    https://www.donotpassgo.ca/p/inside-canadas-competition-court

    Fact-intensive market definition questions can’t possibly be resolved at the pace of mergers. That’s because companies’ preferred growth strategy is combining, rather than competing. There’s plenty of political problems with merging Paramount and Warner, but there’s also a huge economic problem, because these companies are direct competitors who will soon operate as a single firm.

    The M&A industry has staged a denial of service attack on its regulators, accelerating the pace of mergers involving large firms far beyond the ability of a regulator to resolve the fact-intensive questions these mergers raise. They’ve flooded the zone, and after the mergers go through and the companies start abusing their customers, workers and competitors, these same market definition questions bedevil any attempt to rein in this abuse of dominance.

    Singer makes some excellent suggestions for legal reforms to resolve this, moving some of the fact-intensive questions to bright-line ones, such as “whether the challenged conduct injured workers, consumers, or some other counterparty.”

    This is the right approach. As we plan for a future in which legislatures recognize the enormous harms that monopolization inflicted on our societies, we need to come up with more bright-line rules for antimonopoly rules. These will lack some of the subtlety that fact-intensive treatment affords, but you can’t do fact-intensive adjudication for high frequency activities. So maybe we say that no company can acquire or merge with another company more than once in 18 months, or that companies that share more than 10% of their customers can’t merge.

    Some “good” mergers will fail these tests, but that’s the price we pay. If you want to move mergers from a rare occurrence to an everyday, you’re going to have to accept a loss of nuance in the rules for these mergers. The alternative is the ugly, self-destructive mess we have today.

    (Image: Harrison Keely, CC BY 4.0; DocteurCosmos, CC BY 3.0; modified)


    Hey look at this (permalink)



    A shelf of leatherbound history books with a gilt-stamped series title, 'The World's Famous Events.'

    Object permanence (permalink)

    #25yrsago Warner Bros v Potter fandom https://web.archive.org/web/20010331091849/http://www.potterwar.org.uk/home/index.html

    #20yrsago Rant transcript from Game Developers’ Conference https://web.archive.org/web/20060404230422/http://crystaltips.typepad.com/wonderland/2006/03/gdc_game_develo.html

    #20yrsago Union Pacific threatens to sue painters, model railroaders over trademark https://web.archive.org/web/20060413085045/https://www.trains.com/community/forum/topic.asp?page=-1&TOPIC_ID=60666&REPLY_ID=681783#681783

    #20yrsago US frequent flier programs deliver less and less https://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/21/business/still-loyal-to-your-airline-you-must-be-looney-tunes.html

    #20yrsago Mother Jones on IP overkill https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2006/03/intellectual-property-run-amok/

    #20yrsago Comic advises women to call anti-abortion Senator to make their choices https://web.archive.org/web/20060321230542/http://minimumsecurity.net/toons2006/6034.htm

    #20yrsago HOWTO become an early riser https://stevepavlina.com/blog/2005/05/how-to-become-an-early-riser/

    #15yrsago Trademark thought experiment: when should intermediaries be cops? (Barista vs. Barbie) https://memex.craphound.com/2011/03/23/trademark-thought-experiment-when-should-intermediaries-be-cops-barista-vs-barbie/

    #15yrsago New York Times advances weird, self-destructive trademark theory to prop up its paywall https://memex.craphound.com/2011/03/23/new-york-times-advances-weird-self-destructive-trademark-theory-to-prop-up-its-paywall/

    #15yrsago LSE economists: file sharing isn’t killing music industry, but copyright enforcement will https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2011/03/is-file-sharing-the-global-future/

    #15yrsago Anti-union group: send us secret, unlimited donations so we can bring transparency to politics! https://web.archive.org/web/20110325141411/https://www.wmc.org/MediaOutlet/display.cfm?ID=2485

    #15yrsago Why Rebecca Black fascinates us, and why the mashups suck https://www.happyrobot.net/words/pony.asp?id=10233

    #15yrsago Understanding the SSL security breach, preparing for the next one https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2011/03/iranian-hackers-obtain-fraudulent-https

    #10yrsago Airlines celebrate record profits, having killed bereavement fares https://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-lazarus-20160322-column.html

    #10yrsago Bake: homemade Jabba the Hutt peeps https://www.starwars.com/news/jabba-the-hutt-marshmallow-treats

    #5yrsago Tories pass Grenfell costs onto tenants https://pluralistic.net/2021/03/23/parliament-of-landlords/#slow-motion-arson


    Upcoming appearances (permalink)

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    A screenshot of me at my desk, doing a livecast.

    Recent appearances (permalink)



    A grid of my books with Will Stahle covers..

    Latest books (permalink)



    A cardboard book box with the Macmillan logo.

    Upcoming books (permalink)

    • “The Reverse-Centaur’s Guide to AI,” a short book about being a better AI critic, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, June 2026 (https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374621568/thereversecentaursguidetolifeafterai/)
    • “Enshittification, Why Everything Suddenly Got Worse and What to Do About It” (the graphic novel), Firstsecond, 2026

    • “The Post-American Internet,” a geopolitical sequel of sorts to Enshittification, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2027

    • “Unauthorized Bread”: a middle-grades graphic novel adapted from my novella about refugees, toasters and DRM, FirstSecond, 2027

    • “The Memex Method,” Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 2027



    Colophon (permalink)

    Today’s top sources:

    Currently writing: “The Post-American Internet,” a sequel to “Enshittification,” about the better world the rest of us get to have now that Trump has torched America. First draft complete. Second draft underway.

    • “The Reverse Centaur’s Guide to AI,” a short book for Farrar, Straus and Giroux about being an effective AI critic. LEGAL REVIEW AND COPYEDIT COMPLETE.
    • “The Post-American Internet,” a short book about internet policy in the age of Trumpism. PLANNING.

    • A Little Brother short story about DIY insulin PLANNING


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