Don’t take it from me. Take it from Fox News. Socialists are winning everywhere! This week, three Congressional candidates backed by democratic socialist New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani won “stunning” victories in their primary elections. It is even being called the “Mamdani tsunami.” The successes of Claire Valdez, Darializa Avila Chevalier, and Brad Lander confirmed that Mamdani’s own election was not a fluke for the city’s left, in what even the Bezos Postacknowledged was “a signal of strength for Mamdani’s political brand and the democratic socialist movement that powered his rise to City Hall.”
Modern horror media is always a revelation about the world that produced it, but few of our contemporary myths feel as precisely calibrated to the present moment as the Backrooms. The Backrooms are not a haunted house, nor an abandoned ruin, a cursed forest, or any of the traditional thresholds through which the uncanny once entered human life. Instead, they are a vision of horror stripped of enchantment: an endless, fluorescent purgatory assembled from the leftover materials of capitalism. In the Backrooms, the mystery is not supernatural but infrastructural: a place where the hidden architecture of modern life, from its storage spaces to its industrial offices, swallows the individual whole. It is a nightmare born from the aesthetics of contemporary capitalism’s logistics, a world in which even our terrors have been flattened into endlessly repeatable, industrial modularity.
Sold to the public as a foreign surveillance tool, Section 702 is the law has let intelligence agencies spy on millions of Americans’ private conversations without a warrant. Despite years of revelations about this law’s misuse, Congress has repeatedly reauthorized Section 702 without meaningful reform. Until this month, that is, when it finally lapsed in a major victory for privacy. In our latest EFFector newsletter, we’re covering the expiration of Section 702 and what happens next.
For over 35 years, EFFector has been your guide to understanding the intersection of technology, civil liberties, and the law. This issue covers a disastrous plan to overhaul the U.S. Copyright Office, why the UK’s social media ban will cause more harm than it prevents, and a new Senate bill taking aim at government pressure to silence lawful speech online.
Prefer to listen in? EFFector is now available on all major podcast platforms. This time, we’re chatting with EFF Senior Policy Analyst Matthew Guariglia on what the expiration of Section 702 means for warrantless domestic spying. You can find the episode and subscribeon your podcast platform of choice:
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On the morning of Feb. 28, the first day of Donald Trump’s war on Iran, the children of the Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school in the southern Iranian town of Minab were at their desks a little after 10 o’clock when the missiles arrived. The name of the school means “The Good Tree.”
By the time the dust settled, as many as 175 people were dead, most of them girls between the ages of 7 and 12. Iran’s confirmed count came to around 155, and the list its state broadcaster released documented dozens of dead little boys, dozens of dead little girls, more than two dozen dead teachers, several dead parents, a dead school bus driver, and a dead pharmacy technician from the clinic next door.
The teachers had started phoning families the instant the attacks began, begging them to come collect their children. There wasn’t enough time. Some parents reached the school only in time to claw through the rubble looking for their daughters, and according to first responders and a Reuters stringer the building was hit a second time, a so-called “double tap” (which is a war crime), with the survivors and the rescuers caught in that second blast blown to pieces.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch both opened investigations. Reporters at Time and elsewhere identified the weapon as an American Tomahawk cruise missile, the kind fired only by U.S. forces in the war, and a preliminary military inquiry concluded our forces were almost certainly responsible for both the initial killing of the children and the double-tap that killed the firefighters, rescuers and parents.
By the time the dust settled, as many as 175 people were dead.
When a reporter asked President Donald Trump about it at the G7 summit in Évian-les-Bains last week, he waved the dead children away as if they were nothing. “Nobody did that on purpose,” he said. “Mistakes are made, war is nasty.” Then he handed the question off to Pete Hegseth and moved on.
His shrug doesn’t survive contact with the evidence. An Al Jazeera investigation that traced satellite imagery back more than a decade found the school had been a clearly marked civilian building, walled off from the neighboring military base with its own separate gates since 2016.
A medical clinic that opened in the same complex barely a year before the strike was left untouched, while the school full of children was hit.
Either our targeting was precise enough to spare a brand-new clinic but careless enough to level a decade-old school, or the school was struck on purpose. The children, after all, were the kids of members of Iran’s military. Both answers are damning, along with the double-tap evidence, and there’s exactly one document that would tell us which is true.
That document exists. The Pentagon finished its investigation last month, and members of Congress still haven’t been allowed to see it. So a bipartisan group of senators has resorted to the only leverage they have left, moving to freeze 75% of Hegseth’s travel budget through the defense authorization bill until he hands over the unredacted civilian-harm investigations, Minab among them.
The same provision demands the unedited video of the boat strikes off Venezuela and Colombia that have killed more than 200 people, which Trump and Whiskey Pete are also refusing to release. You don’t bury a report that clears you.
We’ve seen this reflex before, from the Amiriyah shelter in Baghdad in 1991, where American smart bombs killed more than 400 civilians the Pentagon insisted were a military target, to the Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz in 2015, where the official story changed three times before a U.S. commander finally admitted the decision had been entirely American. Not to mention My Lai in Vietnam. Deny, deflect and bury, every single time.
The machine helping choose our targets in Iran was Grok, Elon Musk’s AI chatbot.
There’s a reason, however, that this particular cover-up may be more frantic than the ones that came before it, and it carries a name we’ve all heard way too many times: The machine helping choose our targets in Iran was Grok, Elon Musk’s AI chatbot.
We know this because the Pentagon’s chief digital and artificial intelligence officer, Cameron Stanley, said so under oath, swearing in a court filing that Musk’s Grok Gov Model let American forces “deploy over 2,000 munitions to 2,000 distinct targets within 96 hours” during the operation. That’s one target every three minutes.
Musk’s company signed its deal with the Defense Department on Feb. 23. The war began Feb. 28. And we only learned any of this because the disclosure slipped out in a lawsuit the NAACP brought over a Musk data center accused of poisoning a Black neighborhood near Memphis with gas-turbine generator fumes.
This is the same Grok that spent the summer of 2025 praising Adolf Hitler, calling itself “MechaHitler,” telling users that people with Jewish surnames were the problem and that the Holocaust was the solution, and injecting white-supremacist “white genocide” talking points into conversations that had nothing to do with them.
That is the AI a Nazi salute-giving, apartheid-era South African billionaire wired into our targeting systems five days before we started killing Iranian schoolchildren.
I can’t tell you that Grok chose the school in Minab, and neither can anyone else, because the report that would answer that question is the one they refuse to release. That’s the point.
An AI that has openly admired a genocidal Hitler was — perhaps — helping aim American missiles at brown people at the rate of one target every three minutes, the deadliest day for civilians in the entire war. It happened on the first full day that machine was running, and the people who could tell us what it did are betting we’ll lose interest before they ever have to reveal what really happened.
Louise and I lived in Germany for a stretch in the 1980s, and the thing the older generation there understood in their bones was how ordinary the machinery of atrocity becomes once you hand the moral choices over to a system and tell yourself you were only following its output.
We’re now doing that on purpose, for profit, under the control of the richest man on Earth. In “The Hidden History of American Oligarchy,” I wrote about how the ruling class quietly captures the functions that are supposed to belong to a self-governing people, and I hoped it would never be a private chatbot helping decide who lives and who dies.
The report that would answer that question is the one they refuse to release.
On top of that moral train wreck, the recklessness that week reached well beyond that one school, because it left our nation weaker.
The Center for Strategic and International Studies told the Associated Press that the war burned through so many of our irreplaceable Tomahawks and interceptors that we’ve opened a “window of vulnerability” against China over Taiwan, with some stockpiles unlikely to be refilled until 2029.
Sen. Mark Kelly, who flew combat missions for the Navy, said it was shocking how deep we’d gone into our magazines, and that Trump started this “without a strategic goal, without a plan, without a timeline.”
We spent more than $50 billion and a generation’s worth of munitions to let a Hitler-praising chatbot run up a body count, and it appears the brown-skinned children of Minab paid first.
When the Iranian national team took the field against New Zealand at the World Cup in Los Angeles, the fans in the stands unfurled a banner for the 168 children. We ought to be at least as willing to remember them as were the strangers in that stadium.
The “Good Tree” school had a name. So did every child beneath its roof. The least we can do is refuse to let them be classified into silence by a couple of corrupt billionaires.
What Might We Do?
Congress has the power to drag all of this into the daylight, and it needs to use every bit of it. Call the Capitol switchboard at (202) 224-3121 and tell your senators and your representative two things:
First, hold the line on the provision freezing Hegseth’s travel funds until the Minab report is released in full.
Second, open public hearings on the use of private, for-profit AI in American military targeting decisions, with Cameron Stanley and Elon Musk testifying under oath.
We have a right to know whether a machine that admires Hitler helped kill a school full of little brown-skinned girls in our name, and no invocation of national security should be allowed to bury the answer.
If this enrages you as much as it does me, don’t let it sit quietly. Share this piece, send it to the people in your life who still think AI in warfare is science fiction, and forward it to anyone who can pick up a phone and call Congress.
Bill Curry, 65, raises cattle on the same land in rural Oklahoma once owned by his father and generations before him. Each quarter, for several years, he has made the 2½-hour drive to Oklahoma City for an epidural injection in his spine to treat his back pain.
But this year, because of a new Medicare program, Curry has traveled a little more often.
In February, during one trip, he was told unexpectedly that he needed preapproval for the procedure. Then he went again a month or so later to get the injection, for a total of 10 hours on the road. His clinic wanted him to come in a third time, which they had never asked of him before. That appointment was “just to fill out a piece of paper to tell them how you feel again,” Curry said, so he hasn’t gone.
In January, Oklahoma became one of six states to begin a pilot program testing the use of preapprovals in traditional Medicare, the federal health insurance program for people 65 and older or with disabilities. Medicare had previously eschewed the practice — also known as prior authorization — which requires patients or someone on their medical team to seek insurance approval before proceeding with certain procedures, tests and prescriptions.
Epidurals like Curry’s are among 13 medical services subject to the new program because the Trump administration says they’re prone to fraud or misuse. Powered by artificial intelligence, the program — called the Wasteful and Inappropriate Service Reduction Model, or WISeR — is intended to save the federal government money and protect patients from potentially unsafe or unneeded care.
Epidurals like Curry’s are among 13 medical services subject to the new program.
Yet early reviews from Oklahoma and the other pilot states — Arizona, New Jersey, Ohio, Texas and Washington — suggest WISeR’s rollout has not been smooth. Patients, doctors and other healthcare professionals who spoke with KFF Health News say the effort has created confusion, errors, long wait times and stress. Some described the rollout as “horrendous” and say people enrolled in Medicare in the pilot states are now getting ensnared in the same red tape as those with private insurance.
One key concern is that it all happened too hastily. WISeR was announced in June 2025 and launched in mid-January.
That was “quicker than normal” for the federal government, said Todd Baker, who recently stepped down as CEO of the Ohio State Medical Association. Doctors “just sort of had to figure it out,” added Jeb Shepard, director of policy at the Washington State Medical Association.
Government contractors have also acknowledged the rapid pace. “We’ve had an aggressive rollout from the time of being notified to going live,” said Jeremy Friese, CEO of Humata Health, the WISeR vendor for Oklahoma. Tech executives servicing other states have said they were still adding features to their products in the spring.
Abe Sutton, director of the federal government’s Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation, which is administering the program, didn’t comment on the rollout schedule. But he said in a statement that the goal of these reforms is to ensure that prior authorization is efficient, fast and streamlined.
“The model aims to reduce inappropriate care without delaying appropriate care,” he said.
Mehmet Oz, the leader of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), told NewsNation in December that the agency was “rolling out some prior authorization on abused practices.”
“The purpose of these is not to deny care,” Oz said. “It’s to make sure you get the care you need and deserve, not the care some unscrupulous doctor wants to use on you.”
“We’ve had an aggressive rollout from the time of being notified to going live.”
Medicare has struggled in recent years with suspected fraud associated with particular services. The Department of Health and Human Services’ inspector general warned in September that the program’s spending on skin substitutes, for example, had surged nearly 700% over two years, raising “major concerns about fraud, waste and abuse.” Skin substitutes, which are used for wound treatment, are among the 13 therapies currently subject to review under WISeR.
The program also imposes prior authorization requirements for kyphoplasty, a surgery for spinal fractures, which a report by the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission flagged as overused.
Sutton acknowledged, however, that “the percentage of providers committing waste, fraud and abuse is small.”
Consumers and clinicians largely detest prior authorization. Even as federal health officials test the process for Medicare, the Trump administration is trying to scale it back for those with private insurance. According to a KFF poll conducted in January, 69% of insured adults consider prior authorization a burden for care.
Through WISeR, doctors and their staff in the pilot states log in to online portals to submit medical records that justify the procedures they’re recommending for their patients. Using artificial intelligence, the systems quickly approve applications that meet the program’s criteria, Friese, Humata’s chief executive, told KFF Health News. He said there is an “immediate yes” in 88% of cases for which clinical data supports an approval.
The CMS has touted the process as one in which decisions are returned within 72 hours. After that, clinicians receive a “universal tracking number,” which allows them to schedule the procedure and get paid. In practice, however, participants say the process is anything but easy.
The University of Washington’s medical system alone had nearly 100 patients waiting for epidural injections earlier this year due to WISeR-related delays, according to an April report from the office of U.S. Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., that drew on hospital association data. “Now, patients are subject to delays or denials which did not exist prior to the WISeR Model,” the report said.
Curry, the Oklahoma cattle farmer, said he might go to Kansas for future treatments to avoid the approval process. Dorota Gribbin, a New Jersey-based physical medicine and rehabilitation physician, said that by the time authorization came for one of her patients who needed a back pain procedure, the patient had gone to the hospital for more expensive care.
Jennifer Valle, a precertification and insurance supervisor at Clinical Radiology of Oklahoma, said that when it comes to kyphoplasty surgeries, there has been a lot of “nitpicking” from reviewers. Other times, information her practice provides to CMS gets overlooked, she said, and reviewers ask for imaging that’s already in the file.
Claims with no problems are supposed to be paid within 15 days, said James Webb, a musculoskeletal radiologist in Tulsa, Oklahoma, who has also been frustrated by the prior approval and reimbursement process for kyphoplasties. “Six- to eight-week delays is what we’ve been seeing,” he said.
“It’s been horrendous,” said Jerry Sobel, a Phoenix-area pain management doctor. “Right from the beginning, there seemed to be no organization.” Sobel said that as of May, he hadn’t gotten paid by Medicare for nine epidurals.
Sixty-nine percent of insured adults consider prior authorization a burden for care.
“We continuously monitor operations and work closely with stakeholders to address questions and improve the provider experience,” said Sundar Subramanian, the CEO of the tech firm Zyter, which has the contract for Arizona.
During an April webinar, another Zyter executive acknowledged a large backlog in payments stretching to January. Those backlogs “are currently being resolved,” Medicare’s Sutton said, without providing further detail.
When asked about other issues — including what doctors suspect are AI-driven errors — Sutton said the agency appreciates “feedback on provider experience.” It will be used “to help providers better understand WISeR processes,” he said.
Although CMS vendors say humans make the final decisions on approvals, doctors and their staffs believe artificial intelligence is playing a large role in the process and that denials are sometimes the result of AI hallucinations that garble or make up information.
One Arizona doctor, who wasn’t authorized by his practice to speak publicly, recalled a denial that said his patient wasn’t eligible for procedures in the thoracic region, or mid-back. But the patient was seeking an injection in the neck, not their back. Webb, the Oklahoma radiologist, documented four times that a patient was not experiencing numbness, and yet his WISeR application was still denied, erroneously citing numbness, which, in the reviewer’s interpretation, would rule out the procedure.
Friese, Humata’s CEO, said he hasn’t heard about any AI hallucinations.
The process is also raising government costs. With more rejections, more appeals are being filed with Medicare’s administrative contractors. The government pays the contractors to handle the appeals, and Medicare’s Sutton acknowledged that the agency has “accounted for potential changes in the volume of Medicare appeals because of the WISeR program and its associated costs.”
Eighty-four percent of commercial insurers already use AI tools, according to a survey released in 2025 by the National Association of Insurance Commissioners, though they have consistently said AI isn’t used to deny prior authorization requests.
Its use in Medicare risks introducing friction and frustration into the program — and piling costs onto its beneficiaries. Prior authorization saves money for insurers partly by making patients pay a price in wait times and inconvenience, said Miranda Yaver, a University of Pittsburgh health policy researcher studying the practice.
“If this pilot project works, it will be prior auth for basically all procedures.”
“People will end up getting ensnared in a lot of red tape, having to be on hold, and getting rerouted,” she said. She often wonders whether prior authorization simply shifts costs to patients and doctors, rather than saving them.
Some doctors involved in Medicare’s prior authorization experiment believe it will inevitably expand beyond a few services that officials in Washington consider fraud-prone.
“Everybody knows that if this pilot project works, it will be prior auth for basically all procedures,” said Mary Clarke, a family practice physician in Stillwater, Oklahoma. “If they can show that they can save money, then that’s going to be extrapolated and rolled out to other procedures and multiple other things in other states.”
When asked whether the CMS is considering expansion of its prior authorization pilot, Sutton said in his statement that there are “currently no changes” considered for the list of services subject to the WISeR program, “but CMS continues to assess whether any changes are warranted.”
KFF Health News Southern correspondent Lauren Sausser contributed to this report.
KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — an independent source for health policy research, polling and journalism.
It is easy to forget how much of an impact the smartphone has had on our daily lives and our society. About 91% of Americans own a smartphone, which means most of us are walking around with a device in our pockets that is a computer, communicator, camera, GPS locator and has access to virtually the world’s store of human knowledge. The […]
Iraqi authorities have seized hundreds of millions of dollars tied to a massive embezzlement scheme involving the country’s deputy oil minister and several other officials, recovering stolen state funds that had been hidden inside private homes and buried so deep underground that heavy machinery was required to dig them up.
The Supreme Judicial Council said on Tuesday that a total amount of $107 million was seized, almost all of it in Iraqi dollars.
This seizure marks the latest development in an ongoing corruption investigation within the Oil Ministry that began with the late May arrest of Adnan Al-Jumaili, Iraq’s deputy minister of oil and refining affairs and several associates.
Following the arrest of the top official, anti-corruption forces conducted a sweeping raid on his residence, confiscating gold jewelry, assault rifles and ammunition, three billion Iraqi dinars and roughly $10 million in cash.
The Supreme Judicial Council noted that Al-Jumaili’s confessions during questioning led to the discovery of the buried cash, bringing the total funds seized in the probe to over 98 billion dinars (about $96 million) and $11 million. His statements also resulted in the arrests of two other officials: Raed al-Jubouri, the former governor of Salah al-Din, and the governorate’s former director of health.
The investigation is part of a broader anti-graft campaign led by Prime Minister al-Zaidi, who assumed office in May on a pledge to eradicate corruption within the nation’s public sector.
Following deputy minister Al-Jumaili’s arrest, Mazhar Muhammad Salih, a financial advisor to the prime minister, told the Iraqi News Agency that the government is overhauling its strategy to dismantle deeply entrenched networks siphoning state wealth. The goal, Salih said, is “confronting large and organized corruption by creating an effective legal lever and strengthening the power of law enforcement.”
For many pirate sites and apps, ad revenue is the only viable lifeline. This is why the advertising industry is an important ally in the fight against piracy.
Over the years, several ad-focused anti-piracy initiatives and partnerships have tried to prevent branded ads from appearing on these sites.
To track what kinds of ads appear on pirate websites and apps across Europe, the EU Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO) commissioned UK-based research firm White Bullet. The resulting report is one of the most detailed pictures available of how online piracy is funded.
The latest report on the state of the pirate advertising landscape was published this week. It covers 5,671 websites and 337 mobile apps monitored across 18 EU member states from January to November 2025, with the UK and US included as control countries.
White Bullet compiled a similar advertising report for EUIPO in 2021 and 2024, which makes it possible to measure progress over half a decade.
Major Brand Ads Surge on Pirate Sites
In 2024, major brands accounted for 20% of all estimated ad impressions on the monitored pirate websites. In 2025, that figure reached 36%, which is an 80% market share increase in a single year.
The EUIPO report defines major brands as those appearing on recognized industry lists such as the AdAge Global Marketers Index, and the Forbes Global 2000. These are not obscure companies, but include some of the most recognizable companies in the world. None are mentioned by name.
The report: Online Advertising on IPR-Infringing Websites and Apps 2025
The increase in major brand market share on pirate sites is not an isolated incident. On the contrary, major brands represented just 3% of pirate site ad impressions in the 2021 report, which means that the cumulative increase over the past five years is over 1,000%.
The report also provides a possible reason for the increase, linking it to the termination of industry policing efforts. These may be connected to the EU’s MoU on online advertising and IPR, which has published no updates since early 2023.
“The massive growth in Major Brand advertising on IPR-infringing websites may be correlated with the 2023 termination of several coordinated outreach programmes focused on educating brands that had been placing advertising on IPR-infringing websites,” the report states.
The report does not mention any programs by name, nor is there hard evidence that their termination is driving the increase. It does, however, highlight some other intriguing trends.
Most Ads on the Worst Sites
The pirate sites tracked in the report were classified as either“high-risk” or “illegal”. Sites in the latter category are deemed copyright infringing by judicial or administrative authorities, typically as part of site blocking schemes.
These “illegal” sites featured by far the most major brand ads, growing to 59% of all ads on these sites in the fourth quarter of 2025. This means that on known pirate sites, major brand advertising is now the single largest category of ad content.
This problem is further illustrated by the performance of existing advertising blocklists, including those offered by the UK’s City of London Police Intellectual Property Crime Unit (PIPCU) and the WIPO ALERT platform.
These lists should help to prevent ads from appearing on pirate sites. However, the 2025 data suggests they fail to reach this goal.
Of the 404 pirate sites on PIPCU’s IWL blocklist, major brand advertising from UK advertisers reached 73.8% of estimated ad impressions, which is well above the pirate site average.
Ads on IWL blocklists domains
This doesn’t necessarily mean that the blocklist itself is inadequate. Instead, the report finds that two brands with “global operations from China” together accounted for 96% of estimated major brand ad impressions on these sites. Logically, these Chinese brands do not use PIPCU’s blocklist.
Relatively Speaking
The report’s headline figures deserve some context, as we also noted when covering last year’s edition.
The 80% year-on-year increase in major brand ads is a relative share figure, not an absolute count. The total pool of monitored websites shrank from 7,250 in 2024 to 5,671 in 2025, and overall estimated ad impressions in the monitored countries dropped from 14.4 billion to 12.7 billion over the same period.
Last year, the data left room for an alternative explanation, suggesting that the surge in major brand ads was partly driven by a collapse in low-quality non-brand advertising, with the overall number of ad impressions dropping rapidly.
However, this doesn’t hold up in 2025, as the major brand share surged again, while the total advertising pool is shrinking far more slowly.
Big Business?
All of this raises the obvious question: how much money are pirate sites actually making from advertising?
The report estimates that worldwide ad revenue for the 5,671 monitored pirate websites reached 382 million euro ($433 million) in 2025. The 18 monitored EU countries accounted for 28.5 million euro.
Monthly revenue
The average pirate website generated 22,261 euro in estimated annual ad revenue, while the average pirate app brought in 44,447 euro.
Those figures are estimates based on extrapolated data, and the report points out that the actual numbers may be different. Also, there will be some large sites making well over a million annually, while most smaller ones make a few euros per day, if at all.
While piracy apps bring in more revenue than sites, on average, the earnings per impression are slightly lower for apps. Similar to sites, apps also saw an increase in major brand advertisements, from a 7% share in 2024 to 16% in 2025.
An overview of these and many other pirate advertising trends is available in the full EUIPO report, which is available below.
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The full report, titled ‘Online Advertising on IPR-Infringing Websites and Apps 2025’ was originally posted on the EUIPO website.
From: TF, for the latest news on copyright battles, piracy and more.
Ukrainian authorities claim that they have concluded an investigation into a former prosecutor with Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office and a team of lawyers who are believed to have orchestrated a $3.5 million scheme to buy off the country’s elite anti-corruption prosecutors and judges. The results of the investigation have paved the way for a trial.
According to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), the group targeted a suspect in an active corruption investigation. The former prosecutor and the lawyers allegedly promised they could make the case disappear by using the money to bribe prosecutors from the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) and judges at the High Anti-Corruption Court.
The massive sum they requested was designed to be paid in installments. Authorities exposed the scheme and brought criminal charges for inciting bribery after the former prosecutor had already pocketed an initial $200,000 down payment from the suspect.
The Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) continues to spread faster than aid efforts can keep pace, despite significant gains in treatment capacity and growing community engagement, the World Health Organization (WHO) warned on Wednesday.
