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  • US Sanctions Cambodian Tycoon Over Scam Center Allegations

    A major figure in Cambodia’s ruling party and business sector has been sanctioned by the U.S. for allegedly controlling “scam compounds throughout the country” alongside 28 other individuals and entities in his network, including two banks. 

    Kok An, a senator for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and advisor to former Prime Minister Hun Sen, was sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department on April 23, in a suite of penalties targeting Cambodian citizens and companies. 

    The Treasury Department alleged that Kok An owns casinos, resorts and other buildings across Cambodia that were used for scam operations. Many of the thousands of people working on the fraud schemes were held against their will, according to the department.

    “Using the lure of friendship or romantic relationships, these fraudsters coax vulnerable Americans into transferring their savings in the form of digital assets by promising investment opportunities and high returns, only to steal the funds outright,” the department said in a statement.

    “In some cases, individuals perpetrating these scams are themselves victims of human trafficking and are forced to commit unlawful acts under threat of violence.” 

    Treasury alleged that Kok An provided services and employees at Cambodian scam compounds, including uniformed security guards, through Anco Brothers Co Ltd., his business conglomerate, which also holds the license for the casinos operating on the properties. 

    Nearly every major scam compound in Cambodia is connected to casinos, which launder the illicit proceeds, Treasury said.

    Kok An did not respond to phone calls and requests for comment sent to his social media accounts. A person who answered the phone at Anco Brothers’ head office in Phnom Penh declined to comment. 

    Cambodian corporate records show that Kok An ceased being Anco Brothers’ chairman in January.  

    Cambodia has become a magnet for Asian organized crime syndicates under the rule of the Hun family. Hun Sen served as prime minister of Cambodia from 1985 until 2023, when he was replaced by his son, Hun Manet. 

    The government launched a major crackdown on scam operations last year, which Hun Manet said would be completed this month. 

    Cambodian authorities raided 200 scam centers in March, and repatriated nearly 10,000 foreign workers. They also launched 79 legal cases involving almost 700 fraud syndicate ringleaders and their associates, according to the Ministry of Interior.

    However, Seng Vanly, advocacy program director for the Australia-based Khmer Democracy Organisation, told OCCRP the government has not addressed the key role its citizens play in industrial-scale fraud operations.

    Kok An’s sanctioning “shatters the government’s frequent defense that criminal operations are merely the work of isolated foreign syndicates acting without local knowledge,” Seng Vanly said.

    “The Cambodian government must move beyond superficial raids and scripted press releases that only target low-level workers,” he said. “The administration of Hun Manet needs to immediately strip Kok An of his parliamentary immunity and initiate a transparent, independent criminal investigation.”

    A spokesman for Cambodia’s Ministry of Interior, Touch Sokhak, did not answer questions about possible action against Kok An.

    “The ministry has been and continues to investigate and crack down on technology-based fraud in general, in line with the Royal Government’s policy, without targeting any specific individual, and in accordance with the principle of confidential investigations as required by law,” Touch Sokhak said.

    Rithy Raksmei, a politically-connected business figure and alleged associate of Kok An, was also sanctioned by the Treasury Department, along with several of his companies.

    Reporters were unable to obtain comment from Raksmei before publication, and no one answered a phone number listed for him in Cambodian corporate documents. 

    The Treasury Department said Rithy Raksmei “has used his political connections to expand his business holdings, build more casinos, and avoid legal consequences for his provision of space to criminals for scams and human trafficking.”

  • For every generation, vaccines work and they have saved over 150 million lives: WHO

    Over the past 50 years, vaccines have saved more than 150 million lives, as ordinary people chose to protect themselves, their children and their communities from diseases like measles, diphtheria, pertussis, polio, and rotavirus. 
  • As Gaza misery continues, shortages in Iran begin to bite

    Desperate and dangerous conditions in Gaza continue to hamper recovery efforts for the wartorn enclave’s people, the UN health agency said on Friday, while demining experts warned that they’ve “barely scratched the surface” in assessing the level of contamination of unexploded ordnance.
  • Two-thirds of global hunger concentrated in 10 conflict-hit countries

    A growing share of global hunger is becoming entrenched in a small group of conflict-hit countries, with two-thirds of people facing acute food insecurity concentrated in just 10 nations, a major international report backed by UN agencies warns.
  • Weekly Roundup: April 24

    On Monday, Patrick Lin explained how surveillance pricing is part of a long tradition of consumer exploitation, how states are starting to push back against this practice, and why those efforts are running into First Amendment challenges. On Wednesday, Quinn Slobodian and Ben Tarnoff offered a deep dive into the political economy of Muskism, drawing on the insights of Michel Aglietta and the…

    Source

  • Assisted dying bill to run out of time as Lords hold final debate

    The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill was supported by MPs but has not cleared its stages in the Lords.
  • The MAHA Amnesia Project

    The same disinformation agents who are trying to erase the history of the pandemic, are also trying to erase the history of MAHA.

    The post The MAHA Amnesia Project first appeared on Science-Based Medicine.

  • A Tale of Two Ideologies, Part II: Critical Social Justice and Neurodiversity

    A Tale of Two Ideologies, Part II: Critical Social Justice and Neurodiversity

     Strange Bedfellows

    All that I observed from 2020 onward was a puzzling phenomenon I could not make sense of until I came across a 2024 essay in Minding the Campus (MTC) entitled “DEI Hasn’t Died: The Rise of Neurodiversity and Multigenerational Diversity” written by Wenyuan Wu. Now, I do not plan to enter the debate here about whether Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs are worth saving or not—or whether “neurodiversity” is a term worth keeping or not.

    What I want to argue is that the extremely controversial biomedical model of mental disorder has now been co-opted and swallowed up even more thanks to those who embody and promote CSJ-like ideologies—most likely without knowing the controversial history and contemporary issues surrounding psychiatric diagnoses, as most of the public seemingly doesn’t—as another way to buttress their identities with psychiatric labels.

    I contend that this has made the biomedical model much more difficult to dislodge from its reign of supremacy as well as muddied the critical literature waters and public discourse even more. For example, a “progressive radical” in this regard, such as myself (or at least I thought I was), would say we need to reject the mental disorder model outright and consider alternatives. But now others who I thought were my ilk are giving it full-throated endorsements as they make psychiatric labels a part of their identities in very public, sometimes authoritative ways.

    Enter Neurodiversity

    Recall al-Gharbi contending that symbolic capitalists can be those who adopt marginalised identities (e.g., neurodivergent, disabled) as a way to position themselves as allies of disadvantaged groups in order to maintain elite status, gain moral authority, and social leverage. Fenton also reminds us that in the power and privilege wheel, disabilities and the like are on the outer reaches of the wheel, distant from the inner centre comprising power and privilege.

    And so, this here is where I believe a key socio-political pivot has occurred: whereas many of us have critiqued the idea of “mental disorder” itself and have gone at length to suggest we should reject it, people of the CSJ ethos have paradoxically appropriated and reclaimed psychiatric disability and mental disorder as something—another identity marker—needing to be leveraged in order to rebalance the power and privilege scales. I would argue this to also likely be the resultant of CSJ converging with “critical disability studies,” an offshoot of the “social model of disability.”

    Timimi suggests that neurodiversity has become increasingly fused with identity politics and culture wars, pointedly stating:

    The move to identity politics, and the desire to be seen in the culture wars, is a feature of much of today’s left politics. Establishing visibility and entryism into the capitalist order for a smorgasbord of minorities becomes the focus. Neurodiversity campaigners could now show their revolutionary prowess by shaking their fists against neoliberal, white, heterosexual, ableist men, and they could now add neurotypical to that list.

    He adds that:

    It is within the ideology that creates such fractured, superficial identities that we discover the same superficial labelling acting as an escape from this torment, reimagining that we are made whole again by the latest consumable we’re encouraged to identify with. But this creates communities who are brought together because of something they believe about themselves and which excludes those who are not like them. Binaries that you are either ‘neurodiverse’ or ‘neurotypical’ are created, but also disassembled to create sub-products as found in the dizzying numbers of gender identities on offer.

    Elsewhere, it has similarly been argued that the use of “white” and “BIPOC” labels contingent on questionable categories of “race” has resulted in a dichotomous balkanization of people, also a critique of CSJ and its contemporaneous “anti-racist” practices. Upon further reflection, I contend that a similar phenomenon is afoot: that of the “neurodiverse” versus the “neurotypical” false dichotomy, also contingent on questionable categories of mental disorder.

    Wu continues by suggesting that “[i]nstead of the overt focus on race and gender representation, a new trend of rebranding is emerging.” She adds that:

    To stave off public scrutiny, DEI’s snake-oil salesmen constantly reinvent the grift with new terms and euphemisms…[Z]ealots have engineered innovative vehicles to perpetuate the ideology. “Neuroinclusion” or “neurodiversity” is an umbrella concept for accommodating individuals with developmental and learning disabilities such as autism and ADHD. The concept describes different ways people’s brains may work, whereas there is no “correct” way and we must encourage these differences.

    Cromby and Johnstone, in a recent critical review of the term neurodiversity, observe:

    Both neurodiversity and neurodivergence are broad, flexible concepts with considerable variation in the range of conditions they are said to include. One organisation lists ‘Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), Tourette’s, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), Dyslexia and Parkinson’s’. Alternately, an NHS Trust in England suggests ‘Autism, ADHD, ADD, Dyslexia, Dyscalculia and Dyspraxia’. And in the USA, the Cleveland Clinic offers an even wider variety of diagnoses including Down’s Syndrome, obsessive-compulsive disorder, bipolar disorder and social anxiety disorder. Stretching the concept still further, it has even been suggested that neurodiversity should also encompass those diagnosed with brain injury, epilepsy, ‘schizophrenia’, ‘personality disorder’ and dementia.

    To make matters more confusing, Timimi reminds us that ASD’s expansion:

    to include geniuses like Einstein (yes he has been given a retrospective diagnosis of ASD), thereby spanning the whole spectrum of intellectual ability, has seemingly happened without a raised eyebrow in the academic circles studying it…I am aware that there are many critics of the medicalisation of autism, but who, unlike myself, see autism through a story of “neurodiversity” and have done many positive things to help empower some people who have been given the autism label, enabling them to accept, rather than struggle against, who they are. I acknowledge and value the courage and insight these activists have. But I struggle with the “neuro” bit of “neurodiversity”—the evidence just isn’t there. We are all neuro-diverse, so as a concept it’s meaningless in a biological sense. As a cultural construct it creates unnecessary divisions, eroding the multiplicity that makes up our mental lives and may trap people back into pigeonholes rather than free them from stereotyping.

    To be sure, the aims of the neurodiversity movement are admirable as they are still (somewhat) pushing back on the medical model, instead suggesting that “many conditions described as disorders are therefore more accurately seen as neurodivergent differences with potentially positive aspects” and “neurodiversity treats forms of neurodivergence as enduring and pervasive differences in being human.” That is, a person’s “symptoms” could be better seen as characteristics that not only do not necessitate being “treated,” but can be seen simply as a clash with the culture’s norms—a view I mostly agree with.

    However, to quote Cromby and Johnstone at length again, here is where I believe the forest is being missed for the trees:

    Confusingly, though, many people who identify as neurodivergent do use psychiatric diagnostic labels to describe themselves. Many of them are not against psychiatric diagnosis as such; rather, they are opposed to a particular, medical understanding of diagnosis. In fact, faced with long waiting lists at Autism and ADHD clinics, a growing number are claiming the right to ‘self-diagnose’. In addition, some describe themselves as ‘disabled’ in a sense that seems to go beyond the disability movement’s meaning of the term. This leads to debates about the equivalence of different types of ‘disability’—awkwardness in social situations, for example, versus using a wheelchair or recovering from a stroke.

    And so, while recognising the harm that the contemporary biomedical model of mental health can inflict on the people it is intending to help, this movement is essentially trying to pick up a wooden plank while standing on it, using the same medicalising and pathologising labels to somehow de-medicalise and de-pathologise their experiences. Timimi asks, “If it’s a disorder it needs diagnosis and treatment. If it’s a difference it needs acceptance and inclusion (but still needs diagnosing). Is there a bit of cake and eating going on?” Relatedly, I contend that this is why we will never rid the stigma associated with distress when it’s accompanied by mental disorder labels—but only when we rid ourselves of the labels themselves.

    Despite (failing at) sidestepping medical trappings of psychiatric labels, I’d argue this CSJ-neurodiversity movement is in fact subscribing to a philosophical position we can call reconstructionism—that is, the idea of “mental disorder” is worth revisiting and revising in order to keep it for particular social justice aims—as opposed to eliminativism/abolitionism—that is, any notions about “mental disorder” should be discarded/resisted/opposed.

    Reconstructionism is effectively giving permission for people to engage in othering, stigmatisation, pathologisation, medicalisation, essentialising, et cetera: aren’t these kinds of mistreatments contingent or predicated upon the existence and use of these categories? This is what is meant by trying to lift a wooden plank while standing on it: we’re being met with resistance because of the inherent historical and contemporary trappings “mental disorder” is inseparably bathed in. Instead, we should heed what Timimi suggests when he states that “taking something that is defined as a medical condition…brings along dangers when expanded rather than challenged as a notion.”

    However, as the neurodiversity movement coupled with CSJ-like ideologies continue subscribing to and promulgating reconstructionism about so-called mental disorder, psychiatric identity markers and related categories, this makeshift coalition can be seen continuing to swallow up more and more of the everyday human experience and struggles (“In the name of social justice.”) while bringing everyone else along for the ride. Of note, Haslam’s ideas about “horizontal” and “vertical” forms of concept creep expansion are illuminating in this regard, especially to help make sense of Cromby and Johnstone’s observations of how more labels and different kinds of disabilities are seemingly falling under the neurodiversity umbrella term. (See his 2016 article entitled “Concept creep: Psychology’s expanding concepts of harm and pathology.”)

    My Plea

    It is the writer’s duty to tell the terrible truth, and it is a reader’s civic duty to learn this truth. 

    • Vasily Grossman

    What I wish this faction from this side of the aisle would be more aware of (and anyone from any political leaning, for that matter, who identifies strongly with their psychiatric labels) is how not only are they proudly identifying with extremely controversial, contested, and oppressive labels, but they are complicit in the ongoing medicalisation, pathologisation, and decontextualisation of understandable human suffering and difficulties. As Whooley observes:

    Faced with madness, we bury our heads and willingly pass off the problem to psychiatrists so we need not confront the challenges it poses. But well-founded criticisms of psychiatry should not distract from our collective culpability and our societal apathy. It is wrong to pin all of our failings on psychiatry.

    Similarly, Rosenberg has suggested the following:

    But there remains a historical irony. We are in a moment of peculiar and revealing paradox, a complex and structured mix of reductionist hopes and widespread criticism of such sanguine assumptions. As a culture we are relentlessly reductionist in presuming somatic (and ultimately genetic) causation for behaviour, yet at the same time we are reflexive, critical, and relativist in our approach to existing disease classifications and therapeutic modalities. We have never been more aware of the arbitrary and constructed quality of psychiatric diagnoses, yet in an era characterised by the increasingly bureaucratic management of health care and an increasingly pervasive reductionism in the explanation of normal as well as pathological behaviour, we have never been more dependent on them.

    The continued use of psychiatric labels and strong identification with them will paradoxically contribute to the ongoing medicalisation, pathologisation, and decontextualisation of human distress—genuine social justice concerns and low-hanging fruit that certain left-wing activists and CSJ-like ideologies should be significantly concerned about, especially given the immense implications pertaining to power and oppression.

    Elsewhere, it has been argued that social work (the discipline that makes up the largest segment of the mental health workforce in the US) professional organisations speak ad infinitum about being an anti-oppressive discipline, yet this particular biomedical model of mental health is seemingly ignored. In other words, to highlight the hypocrisy and performative nature of the field’s professional organisations.

     Conclusion

     “Over a hundred years ago, the German poet Heine warned the French not to underestimate the power of ideas: philosophical concepts nurtured in the stillness of a professor’s study could destroy a civilisation.”

    • Isaiah Berlin

    Only time will tell if the pendulum continues to swing over the next four years. Now identifying as politically homeless, it has been a curious thing to observe how factions of the left-wing party I used to identify with have swallowed up a model that quite clearly goes against their supposed progressive and anti-oppressive social justice values they claim to take seriously. It is similar to modern-day anti-racist activists using seemingly racist tactics to achieve their anti-racist aims—as it happens, also a tactic of a faction of the left-wing party, as McWhorter argues.

    Lest I and observers in my camp get tagged as right-wing extremists (again, this essay has been a narrowed-in, concentrated critique concerning a phenomenon that even people from the same side of the aisle have taken issue with, it is also helpful to point out Cromby and Johnstone reminding us how, for example:

    Micha Frazer-Carroll’s 2023 book Mad World warns about the entirely fictional danger posed by professionals who ‘follow in the tradition of the right-wing anti-psychiatrist Thomas Szasz’ and dictate ‘how Mad/Mentally Ill people must understand themselves’. This is a curious inversion of the real situation, in which it is psychiatry that routinely imposes its understandings on people. The ‘anti-psychiatrists’ and related groups like ‘A disorder 4 everyone’ fully support people’s right to make their own choices of understanding, including medical ones. The real problem is that most people are not offered this choice.

    After all, when people within the ranks of the United Nations and eventually the World Health Organization (WHO) produce a damning report pointing out not only an excessive use of psychiatric drugs but also a need to move away from the biomedical model of mental health, perhaps this is a social problem that people from all walks of life irrespective of their political leaning can take seriously without a full-throated endorsement of the controversial biomedical model of mental health.

    ****

    Mad in the UK hosts blogs by a diverse group of writers. The opinions expressed are the writers’ own.

    The post A Tale of Two Ideologies, Part II: Critical Social Justice and Neurodiversity appeared first on Mad in the UK.

  • Record Labels Drop Piracy Lawsuits Against Altice and Verizon in Wake of Cox Ruling

    Record Labels Drop Piracy Lawsuits Against Altice and Verizon in Wake of Cox Ruling

    When the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Cox Communications last month, it was immediately clear that the decision would also reach other ISP piracy cases.

    Many of the same record labels that fought Cox, also have active cases against other ISPs. This includes high-profile cases against Verizon and Altice.

    These cases were already paused last year, awaiting the Supreme Court decision. This week, it became clear that both sides have agreed to dismiss the cases. In both cases, the parties filed joint stipulations voluntarily dismissing the lawsuits.

    According to the legal paperwork, the dismissals are with prejudice, meaning the claims cannot be refiled. In addition, all parties will pay their own costs and expenses.

    “[All parties] hereby jointly stipulate to dismissal of all claims in this matter with prejudice under Fed. R. Civ. P. Rule 41(a)(1)(A)(ii), with each side bearing its own costs, expenses, and attorneys’ fees,” the filings read.

    Billions of Dollars at Stake

    The Verizon case, filed in July 2024, is particularly noteworthy as the record labels requested more than $2.6 billion in damages in that case alone.

    In that lawsuit, UMG, Warner Music, Sony Music, and ABKCO, accused Verizon of burying its head in the sand by ignoring hundreds of thousands of copyright infringement notices. This includes more than 500 subscribers for whom the ISP received more than 100 notices each.

    Joint stipulation

    joint stipulation

    The Altice lawsuit was filed in December 2023 by Warner Records, Sony Music Entertainment, and dozens of affiliated labels and publishers. The complaint also accused the ISP of not doing enough to stop piracy, with potential damages exceeding $1.6 billion.

    In both cases, the music companies argued that the ISPs’ knowledge of the infringing activity, combined with their failure to act, was sufficient to be held liable for contributory copyright infringement. However, the new Supreme Court ruling narrowed this standard.

    In Cox, the Supreme Court stated that contributory liability requires proof that the provider intended its service to be used for infringement. That intent can only be shown in one of two ways. Either the provider actively induced infringement, or the service is one that is tailored to piracy without substantial non-infringing uses.

    The Cox Fallout Spreads

    The Altice and Verizon dismissals are the most concrete sign yet that the labels see the post-Cox landscape as unfavorable terrain for this type of lawsuit. They are not the only fallout, however.

    Earlier this month, the Supreme Court also vacated the Fifth Circuit’s $46.7 million verdict against Grande Communications, sending the case back for reconsideration in light of Cox.

    Meanwhile, Elon Musk’s X Corp. cited the Cox decision within days of its release in its bid to dismiss the music publishers’ “weaponized DMCA” lawsuit.

    Interestingly, however, not all ISP lawsuits appear to be ready for dismissal yet. The record labels still have an active case against Internet provider RCN in New Jersey. In that case, RCN recently informed the court of the impact of the Cox ruling, but there is no mention of a potential dismissal in that docket yet.

    A copy of the Joint Stipulation of Dismissal filed by the labels and Altice in Texas federal court is available here (pdf). The joint stipulation filed by the labels and Verizon in New York federal court is available here (pdf).

    From: TF, for the latest news on copyright battles, piracy and more.

  • EFF to 9th Circuit (Again): App Stores Shouldn’t Be Liable for Processing Payments for User Content

    EFF filed an amicus brief for the second time in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, arguing that allowing cases against the Apple, Google, and Facebook app stores to proceed could lead to greater censorship of users’ online speech.

    Our brief argues that the app stores should not lose Section 230 immunity for hosting “social casino” apps just because they process payments for virtual chips within those apps. Otherwise, all platforms that facilitate financial transactions for online content—beyond app stores and the apps and games they distribute—would be forced to censor user content to mitigate their legal exposure.

    Social casino apps are online games where users can buy virtual chips with real money but can’t ever cash out their winnings. The three cases against Apple, Google, and Facebook were brought by plaintiffs who spent large sums of money on virtual chips and even became addicted to these games. The plaintiffs argue that social casino apps violate various state gambling laws.

    At issue on appeal is the part of Section 230 that provides immunity to online platforms when they are sued for harmful content created by others—in this case, the social casino apps that plaintiffs downloaded from the various app stores and the virtual chips they bought within the apps.

    Section 230 is the foundational law that has, since 1996, created legal breathing room for internet intermediaries (and their users) to publish third-party content. Online speech is largely mediated by these private companies, allowing all of us to speak, access information, and engage in commerce online, without requiring that we have loads of money or technical skills.

    The lower court hearing the case ruled that the companies do not have Section 230 immunity because they allow the social casino apps to use the platforms’ payment processing services for the in-app purchasing of virtual chips.

    However, in our brief we urged the Ninth Circuit to reverse the district court and hold that Section 230 does apply to the app stores, even when they process payments for virtual chips within the social casino apps. The app stores would undeniably have Section 230 immunity if sued for simply hosting the allegedly illegal social casino apps in their respective stores. Congress made no distinction—and the court shouldn’t recognize one—between hosting third-party content and processing payments for the same third-party content. Both are editorial choices of the platforms that are protected by Section 230.

    We also argued that a rule that exposes internet intermediaries to potential liability for facilitating a financial transaction related to unlawful user content would have huge implications beyond the app stores. All platforms that facilitate financial transactions for third-party content would be forced to censor any user speech that may in any way risk legal exposure for the platform. This would harm the open internet—the unique ability of anyone with an internet connection to communicate with others around the world cheaply, easily, and quickly.

    The plaintiffs argue that the app stores could preserve their Section 230 immunity by simply refusing to process in-app purchases of virtual chips. But the plaintiffs’ position fails to recognize that other platforms don’t have such a choice. Etsy, for example, facilitates purchases of virtual art, while Patreon enables artists to be supported by memberships. Platforms like these would lose Section 230 immunity and be exposed to potential liability simply because they processed payments for user content that a plaintiff argues is illegal. That outcome would threaten the entire business models of these services, ultimately harming users’ ability to share and access online speech.

    The app stores should be protected by Section 230—a law that protects Americans’ freedom of expression online by protecting the intermediaries we all rely on—irrespective of their role as payment processors.