Blog
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Allergy training to become compulsory in schools in England
The plans, due to come into force in September, follow support for Benedict’s Law, a campaign to improve allergy safety in schools. -
‘My son can now enjoy life’: Children with severe form of epilepsy helped by new drug
Families say the groundbreaking medicine is transforming the lives of children with Dravet syndrome. -
Drug breakthrough for children with severe form of epilepsy
Families say the groundbreaking medicine is transforming the lives of children with Dravet syndrome. -
When AI Goes to War
The fight for supremacy between competing artificial intelligence behemoths has become part of the rapidly escalating U.S. war against Iran. Anthropic, creator of the chatbot Claude, has seen a spike in public interest after its CEO announced that the company would not sign a $200 million contract with the Department of Defense; according to CEO Dario Amodei, the dispute was focused on two specific restrictions on the technology prohibiting its use for autonomous warfare and for mass surveillance.
On Friday evening, Sam Altman’s OpenAI, creator of ChatGPT, announced it had signed the contract Anthropic walked away from. Uninstalls of the chatbot spiked nearly 300% day-over-day — and Anthropic topped ChatGPT in the App Store for the first time — on Saturday.
While Amodei said in a statement that “we cannot in good conscience accede to their request,” Altman said when announcing the deal that he was able to get the Pentagon to agree to terms that would keep guardrails on the use of its tech “for all lawful purposes.” However, an analysis of OpenAI’s contract showed the government could conduct broad surveillance on U.S. citizens, and Altman was forced to backtrack. On X, Altman tried to explain the deal, saying, “We were genuinely trying to de-escalate things and avoid a much worse outcome, but I think it just looked opportunistic and sloppy.”
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s threats to remove Anthropic’s products from its systems and designate the company as a “supply chain risk” did not scare Amodei into submission. It also did not stop the U.S. from using Anthropic tools in its attacks on Iran mere hours after President Donald Trump announced that he would ban all federal agencies from using Anthropic technology. As The Wall Street Journal reported, it will take months for agencies already using it to phase out Anthropic and replace it with OpenAI and xAI products:
Commands around the world, including U.S. Central Command in the Middle East, use Anthropic’s Claude AI tool, people familiar with the matter confirmed. Centcom declined to comment about specific systems being used in its ongoing operation against Iran.
The command used the tool for intelligence assessments, target identification and simulating battle scenarios even as tension between the company and Pentagon ratcheted up, the people said, highlighting how embedded the AI tools are in military operations.
What happens next for Anthropic? According to Lawfare, neither Hegseth’s nor Trump’s announcement is likely to survive a court challenge, which the company has said it will pursue:
Step back and consider what these positions amount to together. The government is arguing that Claude is so vital to military operations that it cannot tolerate any contractual restrictions on it — while simultaneously claiming that Claude poses such a grave supply chain risk that the entire federal government must stop using it, every defense contractor must sever commercial ties with its maker, and the company should be cut off from the cloud infrastructure it needs to survive. It’s like the joke from “Annie Hall”: The food is terrible and the portions are too small.
That might be funny as a bit of Borscht Belt humor. It is less amusing as a description of the United States government’s strategy toward one of the companies leading America’s effort to develop what may be the most important technology of the century. What Hegseth is actually describing is not a supply chain risk determination but something closer to the beginning of a partial nationalization of the AI industry: Seize the technology and, if you can’t, destroy the company to ensure that no future AI developer dares negotiate terms the Pentagon dislikes.
Arbitrary and capricious review requires, at minimum, logical coherence. The government cannot credibly maintain that a vendor is indispensable, that its continued integration poses no immediate danger, that its technology is reliable enough for active combat operations in Iran, and that it is nonetheless so dangerous it must be severed from the entire federal procurement ecosystem — all in the same week. Even a court inclined to defer on national security matters will notice that these propositions cannot all be true at once.
You can read more about what’s happening here, here, and here.
The post When AI Goes to War appeared first on Truthdig.
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Speaking Freely: Shin Yang
*This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
David Greene: Shin, please introduce yourself to the Speaking Freely community.
Shin Yang: My name is Shin Yang. I am a queer writer with a legal background and experience in product management. I am the steward of Lezismore, an independent, self-hosted, open-source community for sexual minorities in Taiwan. For the past decade, I have focused on platform governance as infrastructure, with a particular emphasis on anonymity, minimal data collection, and behavior-based accountability, so that people can speak about intimacy and identity without fear of extraction or exposure. I am a community architect and builder, not an influencer. I’ve spent most of the past decade working anonymously building systems, designing governance protocols, and holding space for others to speak while keeping myself in the background.
DG: Great. And so let’s talk about how that work intersects with freedom of expression as a principle, and your own personal feelings about freedom of expression. And so with that in mind, let me just start with a basic question, what does freedom of expression mean to you?
SHIN: For me, free expression is about possibility, and possibility always contains both and even multiple ends, the beautiful ones and the brutal in equal measure. Maybe not that equal, but you cannot just speak about the beautiful or good things. I think it’s not about pushing discomfort out of the room. If we refuse all discomfort, we end up in echo chambers, which is safe, predictable; but dead. What matters to me is the equipment and principles: Who carries through that discomfort, self-discipline, mutual support, and the infrastructure and governance that can let people grow over time. Keeps a workable gray space open: room to make mistakes, learn, repair, and keep speaking.
DG: How does that resonate with you personally? Why are you passionate about that?
SHIN: Around 2013 in Taiwan’s context, when Facebook started to take over the digital ecosystem in Taiwan, many local independent bulletin boards (BBS) that had been formed for sexual minorities were shut down because they had no income from advertisements, and people were pushed into mainstream platforms—like Facebook, Instagram, Meta, whatever, Twitter now X—where sexual expression was usually reported or flagged, and where I watched sharp intra-community exclusionary voices saying “bisexual and trans people were not pure enough”, or that talking openly about sex would harm our image, or that it was inappropriate to children, or it would invite harassment. Those oppressions are even fiercer within the queer community itself, which is self-censoring in order to gain approval from mainstream society.
So, the community itself says that the best way to do it is don’t talk about it. Never talk about it. Never mention a single thing about it. It was a wakeup call for me, because I think it’s not right. And also, there’s another more private story for me, it’s a story I heard from our sexual minority community. I once heard about a butch student who was sexually assaulted by a group of men because she dated a beautiful classmate, a beautiful woman in the class.
And when I learned what happened to her, that story changed my focus. Because, you know, when people hear this kind of story, they always focus on punishing those men, punishing those criminals—but what matters for me most is building conditions where someone like her could someday still have a chance at intimacy on her own terms, and finally be free from fear. That’s more important for me. I may never meet her, but I know who I am and what I’m here to build. I have been building an infrastructure –– not just “safe space” as a slogan, but an “ecospace” designed to make survival and growth possible. So that’s why I believe that a well-governed space is what matters for communities now.
DG: Why is it so important for sexual minorities to have forums where they can communicate in that way? When it was just the bulletin boards, before social media, what worked really well and what didn’t work well?
SHIN: That’s a wonderful question. Okay, the bulletin boards I used before, the registration process doesn’t require a lot of information. You just need email.
What I miss about bulletin boards is the sense of structure. You didn’t enter a personalized feed—you entered a place with visible rooms and topics. Even in the spaces you visited daily, you’d encounter views you didn’t like, and you had to live with that—and learn how to argue, or leave, or build something parallel. In some boards, moderators were community-chosen, which created a practical kind of participation—not perfect democracy, but civic practice.
You have to provide the information of which school you are in, because it’s based on school. But it’s not that difficult to use that. And also they have some kinds of logistics, like you log into different boards with different topics, and you can see that there are huge topics along with several small topics. So when you log into that, you can sense and feel the whole structure of that community. It’s not a personal feed bombing you with everything you like. So you know, even in the board you’re most likely to visit every day, you will definitely encounter some speech you don’t like, and you argue with them, you fight with them, or build something parallel, that’s the civic foundation of democracy. You experience the everyday practice of civic democracy. People can vote for moderators or even recall them.
DG: You mean, the community can ask them to leave the bulletin boards?
SHIN: No, they don’t actually leave the bulletin board. It’s more that the moderator no longer has the right to perform administrative tasks, but they can still be part of the community, and ordinary users can vote in the election for this.
DG: Okay, and then what were the shortcomings of the bulletin boards?
SHIN: Yeah, it’s brutal. Really brutal. And I’ve seen people literally organize to push others out. I didn’t expect this to turn into story time, but I actually love this. So—back in Taiwan, we had this big BBS forum called PTT. There was a board called the ‘Sex’ board, where people could talk about sexual topics and share sexual health info. But around 2010, the space was dominated by mainstream straight cis men. And whenever a woman or a sexual minority posted anything, they often got harassed or attacked. So, women created another board inside the forum—basically a separate space—called ‘Feminine Sex.’ And from then on, the original Sex board and the Feminine Sex board were in conflict all the time. And honestly, if this happened today on Facebook, Threads, or X… we’d just block each other. Easy. Clean. Done.
But the problem is: when blocking becomes the default, we don’t really learn how to argue well, how to organize our reasons, or even how to sit with discomfort and understand why the other side thinks the way they do. We lose that practice—because it’s just so easy to delete people from our world now. I’m not saying blocking is always wrong. But there’s a trade-off.
DG: I get that. Then when Facebook and the other social media platforms that followed came along and the users migrated over to the commercial services, what was lost?
SHIN: What was lost? I think our behavior got shaped—personal branding became the default setting for joining an online community. If you don’t do it, like me, you basically don’t exist. Influence can be shaped by the number of social media followers; people define each other based on this. Choosing not to obey the logic of mainstream platforms means being unseen, and being unseen means having no influence.
And sure, personal branding can be useful—but I don’t believe it’s the only way to express yourself or connect with a community. The problem is, on mainstream platforms, the whole system is built for visibility. So clout becomes the game. Look at what they push: stories, reels, short-form visuals. And as a former product manager, I can tell you—this is not accidental. It’s designed. It’s designed around human nature: to avoid friction as much as possible. So they keep you scrolling, to make reacting effortless. One tap and you’ve sent a smiley face. Engagement becomes easier… but also cheaper.
And the scary part is, people start thinking that’s the whole internet. It’s not. But the more we get trained by these interfaces, the harder it becomes to even imagine other ways of building community. It is becoming more difficult for people to imagine that the “right” amount of friction can actually help us to grow, and coexist with the diversity.
DG: So did you find that there were certain things you couldn’t talk about on Facebook or on the other social media platforms because they were sexual, because sexual speech was not as welcome as it was earlier?
SHIN: Yes, when I first started building my community, I knew nothing about technology. Like everyone else, I just created a fan page on Facebook, which was then flagged and deleted. This happened. I think it still happens to this day. At first, I was so angry about it. I felt it was unjust. But every time I wrote to Facebook, they just said that I had violated the user terms. At first I was furious. But I don’t stop at anger. I dig deeper. I thought, “Why do you say I violated the user terms?”
I read the terms, compared policies across platforms and applications, and realized the pattern: All of the terms of use forbid adult or erotic content in fine print. Because these are profit-driven systems optimized to minimize legal and business risk. So, I don’t frame it as “evil platforms.” I frame it as incentives. Once I understood this, I realized that we should not only protest and ask those big tech platforms to “give” us a voice –– that’s a good approach, but it shouldn’t be the only one. I believe we should build our own community. That’s why I started researching open-source software and building my own self-hosted community.
DG: Please talk a little bit more about what you’re building, and how what you’re building is consistent with your view of free expression.
SHIN: Sure. It’s a long process but the reason why I use open-source software is, for a person knowing nothing about technology, I can come to the open-source community and ask questions about it. It’s more reliable than building it myself.
And the second example is about how I designed Lezismore’s registration and community access, mostly through trial and error.
We don’t require any real-name or ID verification. In fact, you can register with just an email. But instead of “verifying people,” we redesigned the “space”.
Lezismore is built as a two-layer structure. The main website is searchable, but it looks almost… boring on purpose—advocacy articles, writers’ posts, slow content. The truly active community space is inside that main site, and the entry point is not something you casually discover through search. Most people learn how to get in through word of mouth. We also block search engines, bots, and crawlers from the community area. So from day one, we gave up visibility on purpose—we traded reach for resilience.
Then there’s the onboarding. New users go through an “apprenticeship” period. You can’t immediately post, comment, or DM people. You first have to read, observe, and understand how the community works. We don’t even tell you exactly how long it takes—you just have to be patient. In the fast-content era, people constantly complain that this is “annoying” or “hard to use.” And yes, it is friction indeed.
But that friction buys something valuable: a space that can stay anonymous, inclusive, and high-trust—without being instantly overwhelmed by harassment or bad-faith users. It also means we don’t need to depend on Big Tech’s third-party verification APIs. With relatively low technical cost, we’re using governance design—not data collection—to balance inclusion and protection.
And honestly, as a platform owner, I have to be real about what users “actually” need. If this was truly “just terrible UX,” the site wouldn’t survive in today’s hyper-competitive platform environment. But Lezismore has been running for over a decade, and we still have tens of thousands of people quietly reading and interacting every month. This is one of the biggest tradeoffs in my governance design. In an attention economy, choosing low visibility is a bold decision, and maintaining it has a real cost.
On top of that, we rely on human, context-based moderation. We use posts, replies, and Q&A threads to actively teach community norms—why diversity and conflict exist, how to handle risk, and how to protect yourself. Users also share practical safety tips and real interaction experiences with each other. There are many more small mechanisms built into the system, but that’s the core logic.
And there’s one more layer: the legal environment. In Taiwan, the legal climate around sex and speech can create chilling effects for smaller platforms. Platform owners can be criminally liable in certain scenarios. That’s exactly why governance design matters—it’s how we keep lawful expression possible without over-collecting data.
DG: Ah, so you need to be careful. I’m curious whether you’ve had any examples of offline repression. Do you have any experiences with censorship or feeling like you didn’t have your full freedom of expression in your offline experiences? Any experiences that might inform what an ideal online community might look like?
SHIN: Yes—actually, most of my earliest experiences with repression were offline, and they shaped how I later understood the internet as an escape route.
Back when I was a high school student, I was already involved in student movements and gender-related advocacy. One very concrete example was dress codes. The school restricted what female students could wear, and students organized to push for change. At one point we even had a vote—something like 98% of students supported revising the policy. But when the issue entered the “official” system, the administration simply ignored it. They bypassed procedure, dismissed the consensus, and used authority to shut it down completely.
That was my first clear lesson about repression: it’s not always someone telling you “you’re forbidden to speak.” Sometimes it’s a system designed so that even if students, women, or sexual minorities spend enormous effort building agreement, once our voices enter the institution, they can be treated as if they don’t exist.
That’s why, in the early 2010s, online space became my breakthrough. This was still the blog era, before social platforms fully standardized everything, and even before “share” mechanisms were built into everyday activism. I started experimenting with things like blog-based petitions, and a lot of students joined. The internet became a way to bypass institutional gatekeeping.
In college, I saw another layer. There was serious sexism from people in authority—military-style discipline officers, some teachers, and administrators. When gender-related controversies happened on campus, the media sometimes showed up and reported in ways that were harmful: exposing people, sensationalizing stories, and ignoring the realities of sexual minority students. Meanwhile, the administration would shut down student demands with authority, and at the same time use incentives and pressure behind the scenes, especially around housing or “benefits”—so some student representatives were afraid to speak honestly in meetings.
And this was before livestreaming was a normal tool. But even then, I was already using audio-based live channels to connect students across campuses. Online networks became a lifeline for young advocates, especially those of us who didn’t “fit” the institution and needed each other to survive.
I came from a literature background. I had zero technical training at the beginning. But I’ve always been the kind of person who loves trying new technology. And I was lucky, because I was born in that strange window when the internet was rapidly expanding, but not yet fully swallowed by Big Tech. So, I grew up in this tension between nostalgia and innovation, and I kept pushing, resisting, and experimenting. I’ve experienced both sides of speech: how beautiful freedom can be, and how terrifying it can become.
DG: Going back to Lezismore, I’m curious: When you ask people to observe before they post, what are you hoping they learn about the community before they more actively participate in it?
SHIN: I hope people understand that this is a community rather than a dating app focused on results. The community needs people to support and nurture each other. Some people see us as a dating app and expect a frictionless experience; naturally, they are disappointed. If you’re only looking for a fast-food relationship, that’s fine. Here, however, it is a community that offers more than just hooking up. The design focuses on words and a person’s behavioral history rather than just a photo. Dopamine bombing is not how we do things here.
We’ve also built a library of community safety notes, FAQs, and governance reminders over time. Some written by the team, some contributed by members. Not everyone reads them, and that’s fine. But the design makes it easier for people who want a slower, more intentional space to stay—and for people who want something frictionless to self-select out.
SHIN: I run the platform anonymously by design. People may know that there’s an admin called “Shin”, but I don’t associate a face or personal brand with the role because I don’t want the community to depend on my visibility for their trust.
We maintain a clear distinction between work and private life. Admin power is never a shortcut to social capital. In a sex-positive space, this boundary is a matter of ethics. The moment a founder’s identity becomes central, the space starts to orbit that person, and expectations, fan-service dynamics and power asymmetries creep in. Then speech becomes performance.
It also means I’m less “marketable” to attention-driven media—but that tradeoff protects the community’s integrity. Some media outlets only want a face and a persona. However, I accept this cost because I am trying to build a community that can thrive independently of an idol, where people relate to each other through behavior and shared norms, not proximity to the founder.
DG: It sounds like a lot of what you’re doing is about people being authentic on the site, not using personas or using it to create a personal platform for themselves for marketing purposes.
SHIN: Exactly, people can share links, but if a post is purely self-promotion with no contribution to the community, we don’t encourage this. I hope people here can respect the reciprocity.
DG: I want to shift a bit and talk about freedom of expression as a principle for a while. Do you think freedom of expression should be regulated by governments?
SHIN: Speech regulation is hard, because speech is freaking messy. And once you turn messy human speech into rules that scale, nuance gets flattened. Minority communities usually pay first, because large systems choose efficiency over lived reality.
I also don’t think the answer is “erase all conflict.” Some friction is the price of pluralism, and with good guidance and interface design, conflict can become a point of learning instead of a point of collapse. From a platform owner’s perspective, legal liability is real and often cruel. So if we expect platforms to be free, frictionless, allow everything we like, erase everything we dislike, and still amplify our visibility—then we’re really asking for magic. That’s why we need to talk seriously about alternatives and procedural safeguards, not just louder demands.
Age verification is a good example. I get that the goal is to protect minors. But identity-based age gates often turn into identity infrastructure. They chill lawful adult speech, concentrate gatekeeping power, and push everyone to hand over personal data just to access legal content. From my experience, there are other tools that can reduce harm with less damage—things like community design, visibility gating, and human, context-based moderation. Those approaches can protect people without building a personal-data checkpoint for everyone.
DG: You talked about minority voices, and minority speech. Are you concerned that any regulation will end up trying to silence minority speakers, or won’t benefit minority speakers. How are these speakers more vulnerable to speech regulations than others?
SHIN: Hmmm……a lot of minority speech is context-heavy. The same words can be support, education, or harassment depending on who says it and why. When regulation turns into broad categories, sexual health education, self-explore experiment sharing, trans healthcare discussions, or reclaimed language can be treated as “harmful” out of context (at both sides). So the risk isn’t only censorship, it’s misclassification at scale.
DG: Are there certain types of speech that don’t deserve the conversation. Some people might say that hate speech or speech that’s dehumanizing doesn’t deserve the conversation. Are there any categories of speech that you would say we shouldn’t consider, or do we get to talk about everything?
SHIN: Okay, I don’t think the issue is about saying certain kinds of speech don’t deserve to be discussed; the problem lies in the definition. As soon as we suggest that some speech doesn’t merit discussion, some people will exploit this to silence their opponents. Whether it’s right-wing, left-wing or anything else, if we say that we don’t allow any kind of hate speech, the next thing someone will do is define your speech as hate speech. It’s an endless war that draws us all into an eagerness to silence others and grab the mic, instead of creating more space for conversations and learning from each other.
We should go further than just regulation and create spaces where people can coexist in a grey area, endure some discomfort and engage with each other. I prefer this approach to trying to draw lines.
DG: So even well-intentioned restrictions might always be used against minority speakers?
SHIN: I wouldn’t say restriction is not good. There always has to be some kind of restriction, but people will always find a way to overcome or take advantage of it. So, the thing I believe is that regulation is regulation, but community should be an open-source archive. How we govern community, how we dialogue between each other when we disagree with each other…how can we create a space where those things can exist? I believe that those things should be open source. People always talk about open source like it’s just coding, but I believe governance should be open source too.
DG: So when you said before some restrictions are necessary but then we talk about open source governance, we’re talking about the same thing. When you say some restrictions are necessary, you’re not necessarily saying government restrictions, but that restrictions should come from somewhere else: that’s an open source governance model?
SHIN: Yes. And it should include restrictions in law, and how people deal with it, the way we deal with it. I’m not saying every rule or detection signal should be public. By “open-source governance,” I mean shareable governance playbooks: proportional steps, appeals templates, community norms, and design patterns that small communities can adapt. The goal is portability and adaptability of methods, not making systems easy to game. Because malice is always part of the environment.
DG: Is there anything else you want to say about your theory of open-source governance or what it means to you?
SHIN: I noticed there was a question in another interview about fostering transparency in social media, and how to appeal, and that the reason [for a takedown] should be more transparent. The interesting thing is that before our interview today I was joining a law and technology policy research group, and they’re reading a book called “Law and Technology: A Methodical Approach”. It’s worth mentioning that it’s very interesting. Apparently, scientists tend to place emphasis on complexity, which often trips up pragmatic reform efforts, so the recommendations often only call for greater transparency or participation.
I think this echoes what we were talking about before and the transparency thing. I heard this podcast in Taiwan about cybersecurity where they interview an outsourced ex-moderator from Meta and how the platform moderates speech. Because most of the information is confidential, the moderator can’t say too much, but she told us that every day Meta provided a whole set of lists with things they should ban, and every day it changes. Sometimes it even changes on an hourly basis. And they can never really put those fully transparent to the world. The reason they can’t do that is because those words are partially forbidding scams, because the scale is too big. So, when they show the transparency of how they ban things, the scammers will use this against them. Like, “now you’ve banned this word so I’ll just use another one.” It’s an endless war. So, I think transparency matters, but it shouldn’t be the only thing we think about, we should think about governance as well. And when we talk about governance, we shouldn’t just think about some high authority in government or a law just forcing the platform into something we like. We should go back and think about what we can do. We’ve got lots of open-source software now and we can literally build those things by ourselves. That’s what I’m trying to say.
DG: Okay, one last question. This is the last question we ask everybody. Who’s your free speech hero?
SHIN: This is the question I saw everyone answering, and I honestly struggled with it. Because I’m Taiwanese, and the names that often come up in U.S. free speech conversations aren’t the names I’m familiar with. I’m sorry about this.
DG: That’s okay, it doesn’t have to be a perfect answer.
SHIN: If you want a public figure from Taiwan, I think of the journalists and dissidents who pushed for press freedom during Taiwan’s democratization—Nylon (Tēnn Lâm-iông) is one name many Taiwanese recognize.
If I answer this as truthfully as I can, my hero is my family. My father taught me that integrity is not a slogan. It’s the ability to keep your ethics when it costs you something. My mother is the opposite kind of teacher: she’s relentless in a practical way: she doesn’t easily back down, and she keeps finding room to move even when the room is small. Put together, that’s what free expression means to me. It’s not “I can say anything.” It’s about whether you can continue to think independently and live with integrity through layers of fear, pressure, temptation and coercion, while still moving forward and creating more possibilities for others.
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The Iran War Is Unfathomably Depraved
In the first hours of the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran, up to 175 young girls and school staff were blown to pieces at an elementary school. Others were maimed and burned, and will be suffering from their injuries for the rest of their lives. Even any comparatively fortunate ones with minimal injuries will surely experience permanent trauma from having witnessed something so horrific. Witnesses describe scenes of unfathomable horror, with limbs and blood strewn across classrooms. The Guardian cites verified videos that show “children’s bodies lying partly buried under the debris”:

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The Effort to Save the Midwest’s Native Seeds
This story was originally published by Grist and WBEZ. Sign up for Grist’s weekly newsletter here.
Under the warm light of a hanging lamp, Marty Landorf carefully crumbled the dried flower head of a black-eyed Susan between her fingers, teasing apart the chaff to uncover its puny black seeds. Each one was destined for long-term cold storage alongside roughly 46 million other seeds at the Chicago Botanic Garden.
Every seed in the garden’s vault is different. Some seeds have hooks. Others verge on microscopic. A few carry a sharp, deterring scent. And some, like the airborne seeds of the milkweed, the host plant for monarch caterpillars, are fastened to silky fluff that drifts everywhere, hitching rides on volunteers’ clothes and following them home.
“Fluff is fun,” Landorf said laughing, seated alongside five other volunteers cleaning, counting and sorting seeds at a long metal table in the garden’s seed bank preparation lab.
For all their variation, these seeds share a common trait: They’re native to the Midwest. These species genetically adapted over thousands of years and sustain the region’s ecosystems. That evolutionary inheritance makes them indispensable for restoring the nation’s remaining prairies, wetlands and woodlands.
The problem: Native seeds are in short supply. And climate change is intensifying demand.
“Climate change is affecting our weather and the frequency of natural disasters,” said Kayri Havens, chief scientist at the Chicago Botanic Garden. “Wildfires becoming more common, hurricanes becoming more common — that increases the need for seed.”
Native seeds are in short supply. And climate change is intensifying demand.
In 2024, the Chicago Botanic Garden, a 385-acre public garden and home to one of the nation’s leading plant conservation programs, helped launch the Midwest Native Seed Network, a first step in improving the region’s fragile seed supply. The coalition now includes roughly 300 restoration ecologists, land managers and seed growers affiliated with 150 institutions in 11 states. Together, they are researching which species are most in demand, where they are likely to thrive and what it will take to produce them at scale and get them in the ground.
The collaborative is compiling information on seed collection, processing, germination and propagation while identifying regional research gaps and planning collaborative projects to close them. For example, the network is currently collecting research on submerged aquatic plants such as pondweeds and other species that are challenging to germinate, like the bastard toadflax, a partially parasitic perennial herb.
“We’re addressing these local, regional and national shortages of native seed that are really just hindering our ability to restore really diverse habitats, build green infrastructure and support urban gardens,” said Andrea Kramer, director of restoration at the Chicago Botanic Garden.
Last year, the network undertook its first major project: a large-scale survey of more than 50 partners across the region. The results were stark. They revealed that more than 500 native species in the Midwest are effectively unavailable for restoration. In some cases, it’s because no one grows them. In others, the seeds are available, but the cost — even at a couple of dollars per packet — becomes prohibitive when restoration projects require thousands of pounds. And for certain finicky species, the bottleneck is technical: Researchers and growers still don’t fully understand how to germinate them reliably or help them thrive in restoration settings.
Kramer said that, ultimately, the goal is to connect the people who need seeds with those who know how to grow them. While the network does not sell seeds, it works with organizations and partners that do. “We are using the network to help elevate what we all know and share what we know to make it easier,” she said.
The shortage itself is not new. In 2001, following sweeping wildfires in the West, Congress tasked federal agencies, including the Bureau of Land Management and the U.S. Forest Service — which, combined, manage approximately one-fifth of the nation’s public lands — to craft an interagency, public-private partnership to increase the availability of native seeds. But according to a 2023 report, which identified the lack of native seeds as a major obstacle for ecological restoration projects across the United States, those efforts remain unfinished.
Wildfires have scorched more than 170 million acres in the U.S. between 2000 and 2025, according to the National Interagency Fire Center. In 2020 alone, the Bureau of Land Management purchased roughly 1.5 million pounds of seed to rehabilitate burned landscapes. In a bad fire year, the agency can buy as much as 10 million pounds.
More than 500 native species in the Midwest are effectively unavailable for restoration.
The 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law dedicated $1.4 billion for ecosystem restoration over five years, including $200 million for the National Seed Strategy, a coalition of 12 federal agencies and various private partners established in 2015 to provide genetically diverse native seeds for restoration. The following year, the Inflation Reduction Act invested nearly $18 million to develop an interagency seed bank for native seeds. And in 2024, the Interior Department announced an initial round of $1 million for a national seed bank for native plants.
“The U.S. does have a major seed bank run by the [Department of Agriculture], and it mostly banks [seeds for] crops,” said Havens, the scientist at the Chicago Botanic Garden. “But we don’t have that kind of infrastructure in place for native seed.”
Momentum for establishing a native seed bank stalled following funding cuts by the Trump administration. In early 2025, the Department of Government Efficiency cut 10% of the staff at the National Plant Germplasm System, which is home to one of the largest and most diverse plant collections in the world.
“If something isn’t supported on a national level, then it becomes incumbent on states and regions to do that kind of work,” Havens said. “So that’s why we’re focusing right now in the Midwest.”
The network is the first of its kind in the Midwest, though similar initiatives have been active elsewhere in the country for years. Today, there are more than 25 similar networks operating across the U.S. In the Western United States, these coalitions have come together in response to post-wildfire restoration projects.
“One of the reasons why we were among the first is because of this federal land ownership that we have in the West, whereas in the Midwest, it’s more private land,” said Elizabeth Leger, a professor at the University of Nevada, Reno and co-founder of the Nevada Native Seed Partnership. More than 90% of all federal land is located in 11 Western states.
Kramer said she hopes to run the seed availability survey again in 20 years and get a different response.
“I want them to say, ‘We have access to all the seed we need,’” said Kramer. “And we can move on to the next challenging question, like, ‘Why isn’t the seed establishing in my restoration? Or, how do we manage the next challenge coming with climate change?’”
The post The Effort to Save the Midwest’s Native Seeds appeared first on Truthdig.
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U.K. Lifts Sanctions on British Financier Tied to Russia’s Shadow Fleet
The U.K. government this week lifted sanctions against a British financier who purchased ships that later became part of Russia’s so-called shadow fleet, following his public warning that others should avoid any business dealings that could support Moscow.
John Michael Ormerod, 75, was added to the U.K. sanctions list in May 2025 after acquiring dozens of second-hand tankers that Lukoil, Russia’s second-largest oil producer, used to transport billions of dollars’ worth of oil. In a February statement, Ormerod said the designation — a rare case of a Western government sanctioning one of its own citizens — had a “devastating impact” on him and his family while reaffirming his opposition to Russia’s war in Ukraine.
“I encourage others to learn from my experience and avoid any actions that may support the Russian energy sector or other sectors of strategic significance,” he said.
The sanctions, which froze Ormerod’s U.K. bank accounts and other assets, were part of Britain’s broader effort to disrupt Russia’s military capabilities, global trade operations, and shadow fleet of “ghost ships” — vessels with hidden ownership that rely on fraudulent insurance, switch off tracking systems at sea, and conduct illicit ship-to-ship transfers to conceal the origin of their cargo.
Investigations by the OCCRP and Follow the Money last year revealed that Western shipowners earned at least $6.3 billion selling aging tankers to shell companies, which eventually entered Russia’s shadow fleet.
Ormerod’s role came to light in an October 2024 report by the Financial Times, which found he acquired at least 25 tankers between December 2022 and August 2023 for more than $700 million. Each ship was purchased through a separate special purpose company in the Marshall Islands, with funding advanced by Lukoil’s Dubai-based Eiger Shipping DMCC. Shipping data later showed the vessels transported over 120 million barrels of Russian oil after Ormerod’s acquisition.
After the delisting on Monday, Ormerod welcomed the decision but cautioned that even experienced financiers could become unintentionally entangled in sanctions. “To be clear, I wholeheartedly condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine,” he said. “I urge others to be watchful. It is easy to be caught up unwittingly in the sanctions regime as I was.”
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Taiwan and Singapore Add to Growing Action Against Alleged Cambodian Crime Group
The Taipei District Prosecutors Office announced Wednesday that it has indicted 62 individuals and 13 companies and seized more than $170 million in assets linked to Prince Group, heightening global action against the Cambodia-based conglomerate accused of running extensive online fraud operations.
Included among the three principal defendants in the Taiwanese charges is Chen Zhi, the chairman of Prince Group who was extradited from Cambodia to Beijing earlier this year
Chen Zhi’s legal representatives did not respond to a request for comment before publication. The Prince Group has said allegations made by U.S. and U.K. authorities are “baseless and appear aimed at justifying the unlawful seizure of assets worth billions of dollars.”
All three principal defendants in the Taiwan case were among dozens sanctioned by the U.S. Department of the Treasury in October 2025 for involvement in the Prince Group’s alleged online fraud and human trafficking. The Treasury Department characterized the Prince Group as a major “transnational criminal organization.”
The trio are charged with presiding over an organized crime group, money laundering, falsifying documents and accounting, and profiting from illegal gambling.
Also indicted is Hu Xiaowei, an individual previously identified by Taiwanese authorities as a “second in command” at Prince Group, and whom OCCRP has revealed goes by at least three additional names, one of which has also been sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury.
Taipei prosecutors indicted Hu Xiaowei for serious money laundering offences, participating in a criminal organization and involvement in organized gambling. He did not respond to a request for comment about the Taiwanese indictment before publication. His assistant previously declined to answer a question about Hu Xiaowei’s multiple identities.
Multiple Taiwanese nationals allegedly involved in facilitating and enabling criminal activity on behalf of Prince Group were among the others indicted.
Separately, the Singapore Police Force (SPF) announced Tuesday that it had arrested three Singaporean nationals previously identified in connection with Prince Group for their alleged involvement in serious crime and corruption offences.
The SPF also announced an arrest warrant against a defendant in the Taiwan indictment for allegedly falsifying accounts, and noted that she had left Singapore and was residing in Cambodia.
The SPF said it had seized three properties, eight cars, cash and multiple luxury items linked to the group with a combined value of over $270 million, bringing the total value of Prince Group assets seized or frozen to date to over $390 million.
The police action came as authorities in different countries work to dismantle the operations of Prince Group. In addition to the U.S., the U.K. and South Korea have announced sanctions against alleged members of the organization.
After extraditing Prince Group chairman Chen Zhi from Cambodia, China issued a February 15 deadline for suspects in the organization’s alleged crimes to surrender and confess to police in exchange for light or mitigated punishments.
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Georgia Tightens Control Over Foreign Funding for NGOs and Media
Georgia’s parliament has approved sweeping legislation that gives the government direct oversight of nearly all foreign funding for civil society groups, independent media, and politically active organizations, while criminalizing violations with sentences of up to six years in prison.
The bill, backed by the ruling Georgian Dream party, passed with a large majority; fewer than a dozen lawmakers opposed it. It has now been sent to the President for signature, after which it will come into force.
Under the new law, the government gains broad authority to define what constitutes a “grant.” Any foreign support deemed intended to “exert influence” over public policy—including routine journalism, advocacy, or research—could fall under the legislation’s reach, putting ordinary operations at immediate legal risk.
The law also requires foreign organizations with Georgian branches to obtain government approval before accepting international funding. Entities that bypass the vetting process face fines and other penalties, though commercial transactions are exempt. Organizations with preexisting grants will have one month to apply for government approval, which the authorities must consider within the following month.
Oversight of the law will fall to Georgia’s Audit Office, which recently absorbed the Anti-Corruption Bureau.
The ruling party has defended the measure as a necessary step to close what it calls loopholes allowing foreign influence over domestic politics. “At this stage, financing unrest, violence, or revolutionary processes in Georgia from abroad has become significantly more difficult,” Georgian Dream lawmaker Irakli Kirtskhalia said in January. “However, in practice, we still see certain mechanisms and ways to bypass existing laws.”
Critics say the legislation could stifle independent media and civil society, giving the government unprecedented power to monitor and control funding.
“Today, Parliament adopted amendments that effectively banned not only the activities of organized civil society, but even the most basic forms of civic activism, as the broad and unpredictable norms in the law make any civic activity a potential offense,” said Levan Natroshvili, Executive Director of the International Society for Free Elections and Democracy, ISFED, in his Facebook post.